DNA studies supported by matrix-assisted laser desorption ionization-time of flight mass spectrometry analysis of seed proteins showed that the Vitis vinifera red grape variety Raboso Veronese is the progeny of a spontaneous cross between Raboso Piave (red) and Marzemina Bianca (white) varieties. In the present work, the main secondary grape metabolites of Raboso varieties were studied, and their enological potential was evaluated and compared with that of other red varieties reported in the literature. In general, Raboso grapes had high flavonoid contents and high percentages of polyphenols extractable in winemaking and substantial contents of norisoprenoid aroma precursors. Raboso Veronese stood out for its high content of cyanidin and had higher (+)-catechin and (-)-epicatechin contents than Raboso Piave and abundant quercetin glucoside, indicating substantial plant biosynthesis toward compounds dihydroxylated in the B-ring. Study of secondary grape metabolites is confirmed as an effective tool in differentiating similar varieties, in particular on the basis of polyphenol profiles.
In this article, we focus on the candidate selection processes of Podemos in Spain and the Movimento 5 Stelle (M5S – Five Star Movement) in Italy, processes which are related to intra-party democracy. With a mixed-methods approach (including novel data from the expert survey PoPES, 31 semi-structured interviews with party representatives and militants, and analysis of party documents, statutes and leader speeches) and a comparative perspective, we explore candidate selection in the context of the broader organizational party structures over time. We find that: (1) Podemos functions like a typical centralized party, whereas M5S is a deviant case with strong and centralized control over party organization but decentralized mechanisms for candidate selection; (2) both these logics of centralization of power undermine the parties’ democratic credentials but have different consequences in terms of cohesion (expulsions/departures in M5S and splintering in Podemos); and (3) in both cases, the parties’ organizational culture and symbolic tools legitimate their top-down features.
This article, focusing on Italy, aims to broaden our understanding of the recent striking electoral fortunes of (differing types of) populism in the country, by locating them within multiple crises (political, economic, migration) that have shocked Europe in the last two decades. By combining individual-level survey data on voters with organizational-level interviews conducted with national and local representatives and activists of the Five Star Movement and the League, the role played by these crises in the two different Italian populisms will be disentangled from ‘demand’ and ‘supply’ perspectives – which are usually treated in isolation. The findings indicate a coherence between the political parties’ message and their respective potential voters’ orientations and attitudes (with regard to the three crises), underlining the ability of different varieties of populism to intercept (and mobilize) different grievances: whereas the economic crisis of representation is a key ingredient of both the populists’ success, the cultural crisis is more salient for the exclusionary populist League, while the political crisis is more salient for the inclusionary 5SM. For both the mobilization and representation of those citizens unsatisfied with traditional politics seems crucial. These different causes of success appear to be a useful lens through which to examine the failure of an attempt to govern by combining two differing types of populism.
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