The Contact Hypothesis: Social and Economic Contact and Generational Changes in the Study of Black Anti-Semitism

Objective. We examine how the immigration policy preferences of Anglos and Latinos vary according to ethnic context. Specifically, we hypothesize that immigration policy attitudes are a product of both Latino immigrant and Latino native born group size. In contrast to previous work, which found that Latinos and Anglos react to contextual forces in an identical manner, we argue that Latino group size produces opposite reactions for Anglos and Latinos. Methods. These hypotheses are tested using an original state‐wide survey of Anglos and Latinos in Texas conducted during 2006, which is supplemented with data from the 2000 Census. Results. Our findings show that residing in a heavily Latino area produces more liberal immigration attitudes among Latinos and more conservative attitudes among Anglos. However, this result is driven not by the size of the foreign‐born Latino population, but by the size of the native‐born Latino population. Conclusion. Anti‐immigrant sentiments among Anglos appear to result, at least in part, from ethnic concerns.

Section: Ethnic Context and Anglo Attitudes Toward Immigration Policymentioning

confidence: 99%

Ethnic Context and Immigration Policy Preferences Among Latinos and Anglos^*

Rocha

Longoria²,

Wrinkle

et al. 2011

“…In the absence of contact, however, individuals are prone to rely on potentially problematic sources of information, such as family socialization, informal discussions within networks of friends or associates, slanted media images, and misperceptions circulating within popular culture. Conversely, a lack of contact among members of diverse cultural groups can provide fertile ground for the persistence of stereotyping, prejudice, and ill will (Amir, ; Hewstone and Brown, ; Pettigrew, , ; Stephan, ; Tsukashima and Montero, ).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Contact Hypothesis and Attitudes Toward Latinos in the United States

Ellison

Shin

Leal

2011

Objectives. Although the contact hypothesis occupies an important place in the study of intergroup relations, several important questions remain understudied. We contribute to the literature by examining the associations between multiple aspects of contact with Latinos and several types of attitudes toward U.S. Latinos, including attitudes toward immigration restrictions. Methods. We use OLS and logistic regression techniques to analyze the opinions of Anglo (non-Hispanic white) and African-American respondents from the 2000 NORC General Social Survey (GSS), which contained a special module on attitudes regarding ethnicity and diversity issues. Results. Our findings reveal a clear association between close nonkin Latino ties, that is, friendship, and more favorable or empathetic attitudes toward Latinos as well as less restrictive or punitive views concerning immigration policy. Having Latino relatives is also linked with several of these attitudes. Most other dimensions of contact (e.g., attending high schools with significant Latino populations, having Latino acquaintances, Spanish-language fluency, and residing in areas with relatively high Latino populations) have at least some association with the attitudes under study, although for most of these contact measures the significance of the effects is inconsistent across outcomes. Conclusions. The findings reinforce the significance of intergroup friendships and underscore the importance of understanding their social origins, patterning, and consequences for diverse groups. It is also important to probe the differential effects of specific types and arenas of intergroup contact on specific attitudinal and policy outcomes.The contact hypothesis has occupied an important place in the literature on race-ethnic intergroup relations for more than 50 years (Allport, 1958;Williams, 1947). The core idea is simple and straightforward: contact, particularly close and sustained contact, with members of other cultural groups provides direct information about the values, lifestyles, and experiences of members of those groups. Information obtained in this way is likely to be more favorable and accurate than information gained through other, less * Direct correspondence (including requests for data and coding for replication purposes) to Christopher G. Ellison,

“…The relationship appears strong in this survey perhaps because the sample size was larger. It may also reflect perceived economic mistreatment, immersion in (or exposure to) an anti-semitic milieu such as that of Louis Farrakhan's Nation of Islam, or views on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict (Cavari and Freedman 2021; Sniderman and Piazza 2002;Tsukashima and Montero 1976). These are the main expectations in the literature for black anti-semitism.…”

Section: Determinants Of Anti-semitismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Validating and testing a measure of anti‐semitism on support for QAnon and vote intention for Trump in 2020

Levin

Filindra

Kopstein

2022

Objective Knowledge on anti‐semitism and its effects as an attitude is limited. We seek to assess its relationship with other out‐group measures and its predictive ability on political judgments. We seek to (a) study the properties of a measure of anti‐semitism; (b) explore the relationship between anti‐semitism and other frequently used measures of out‐group attitudes; (c) assess the key demographic predictors of endorsement of anti‐semitic beliefs; (d) evaluate the predictive ability of our measure of anti‐semitism in models predicting support for the QAnon conspiracy theory and vote for Trump in the 2020 election. Data and Methods This study utilizes two national online surveys fielded in January and August 2020 that are weighted to match the U.S. population. We utilize a Bayesian factor analytic approach to assess the relationship between various out‐group measures. We also use regression analyses to predict the correlates of anti‐semitism and to test the relationship between anti‐semitism and support for QAnon and for Trump. Results Our results show that anti‐semitism shares more variance with xenophobia than anti‐black prejudice suggesting that people tend to perceive Jews as national outsiders not as racial others. Furthermore, anti‐semitism is a strong positive predictor of both support for QAnon and intent to vote for Donald Trump.