Objectives. Although the contact hypothesis occupies an important place in the study of intergroup relations, several important questions remain understudied. We contribute to the literature by examining the associations between multiple aspects of contact with Latinos and several types of attitudes toward U.S. Latinos, including attitudes toward immigration restrictions. Methods. We use OLS and logistic regression techniques to analyze the opinions of Anglo (non-Hispanic white) and African-American respondents from the 2000 NORC General Social Survey (GSS), which contained a special module on attitudes regarding ethnicity and diversity issues. Results. Our findings reveal a clear association between close nonkin Latino ties, that is, friendship, and more favorable or empathetic attitudes toward Latinos as well as less restrictive or punitive views concerning immigration policy. Having Latino relatives is also linked with several of these attitudes. Most other dimensions of contact (e.g., attending high schools with significant Latino populations, having Latino acquaintances, Spanish-language fluency, and residing in areas with relatively high Latino populations) have at least some association with the attitudes under study, although for most of these contact measures the significance of the effects is inconsistent across outcomes. Conclusions. The findings reinforce the significance of intergroup friendships and underscore the importance of understanding their social origins, patterning, and consequences for diverse groups. It is also important to probe the differential effects of specific types and arenas of intergroup contact on specific attitudinal and policy outcomes.The contact hypothesis has occupied an important place in the literature on race-ethnic intergroup relations for more than 50 years (Allport, 1958;Williams, 1947). The core idea is simple and straightforward: contact, particularly close and sustained contact, with members of other cultural groups provides direct information about the values, lifestyles, and experiences of members of those groups. Information obtained in this way is likely to be more favorable and accurate than information gained through other, less * Direct correspondence (including requests for data and coding for replication purposes) to Christopher G. Ellison,
An extensive amount of research has shown that female‐headed households are among the most disadvantaged in the United States. By contrast, households headed by single mothers in Mexico have median per capita income levels that are the same or higher than those headed by men and are no more likely to be living in poverty. These findings are surprising, given the many disadvantages that Mexican women face in the labor market and the added difficulties for single mothers of managing work and family life. We propose four explanations for the relatively high income levels of female‐headed households in Mexico: (1) female heads’ more advanced stage in the life course compared to male heads, (2) the greater financial support they receive from extended family members, (3) the international migration of the partners of female heads, and (4) a selection process whereby only women with sufficient income head their own households, while others move into households headed by someone else. Using a nationally representative survey we find that economic transfers from relatives living within the country and abroad, as well as a selection effect explain female‐headed households’ relatively high income.
In developing countries, height and weight are good indicators of children's health and nutritional status. Maternal education has been accepted as one of the most important influences on child health. Using the 2000 Demographic and Health Survey of Peru, however, I find that the effect of maternal education varies as a function of region. In the most prosperous urban region, maternal education is less important for child health than in poor rural areas, and a higher level of education has a greater effect in rural areas. Multilevel analysis shows that a significant part of the observed correlation between maternal education and child health is moderated by regional differences and community characteristics. The finding suggests that Peruvian public policy should emphasize resource redistribution as well as women's education, and that investment in maternal education should be considered within regional contexts to enhance child health in rural areas.
Contemporary political debates about language policy in the United States focus on three primary policy issues: bilingual education in public schools, English‐only legislation, and the access of non‐English speaking citizens to political rights. Using the “Multi‐Ethnic United States” module from the 2000 General Social Survey (GSS), this article tests multiple attitudinal, behavioral, demographic, and contextual hypotheses for how Anglos and African Americans view bilingual policy issues. We examine the role of linguistic contact, self‐interest, group threat, and discriminatory views of Latinos, finding that the latter—as measured by the “Three Ds” (Derogation, Disrespect, and Distance)—are the strongest predictors of attitudes toward bilingualism. Distance (social distance from Latinos) is consistently significant, disrespect (doubts about Latino contributions to the United States.) is mostly significant, and derogation (Latino stereotypes) is occasionally significant. Also, political ideology and knowledge of a non‐English language play important roles in the formation of favorable bilingualism opinions. However, the self‐interest and group threat variables were largely insignificant. Taken together, these findings indicate the importance of understanding how policy views may be structured by opinions about out‐group individuals and cultures. Language can serve as a proxy for immigrants themselves, as negative attitudes toward Latinos are associated with negative attitudes toward bilingualism.
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