Verba, Schlozman, and Brady (1995) posit that variation in ethnic group political participation, while related to socioeconomic differences among them, is derived from the acquisition of civic skills through their associational memberships and, in particular, from their experiences in church. Catholic and Protestant churches were hypothesized to develop different levels of such skills, and Verba et al. suggested that the relatively low level of Latino political participation was explained by their predominantly Catholic affiliation. If Verba et al.'s argument is true, then we should see participatory differences within ethnic groups by denomination. An alternative hypothesis is that churches matter through their role as civic associations. In that case, denominational differences should not matter, but churchgoers should be more active than non-churchgoers. Examining the 1989-90 Latino National Political Survey and the 1990 ANES, we find that while denominational differences have some limited explanatory power for Hispanic political participation, it is in the opposite direction than that hypothesized. By far the more important contribution to an explanation of political participation is made by churches' central civic associational roles.

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Contemporary debates on Latino panethnicity assert that this identity is either cultural or instrumental in nature. The article looks at respondents'use ofprimary and secondary ethnic identifications to answer two questions: First, how substantial is panethnic identification among Hispanics? Second, what is the nature of Latino panethnicity? Using data from the Latino National Political Survey, the authors find that Hispanic ethnicity is neither simply instrumental nor cultural. Instead, Latino panethnicity is a complex phenomenon, differing not only by a range of demographic characteristics but also among those using panethnicity as a primary or secondary identification. These findings suggest that one needs to think about panethnicity as part of a constellation of individuals'multiple identifications and that individuals may manage these identities in very different ways.

This article examines the extent of political participation by Latino non-citizens across the United States. The only previous national quantitative research on this topic is by Verba, Schlozman and Brady, who found little difference between the participation rates of Latino citizens and non-citizens. Using the Latino National Political Survey, large differences between citizen and non-citizen participation are found. Although Latino non-citizens participated in non-electoral political activities and in non-political civic groups, they were significantly less likely to do so than Latino citizens. Examination of the non-citizen population shows that immigrants who understood politics better, planned on naturalizing, had a stronger ethnic identity, were more familiar with English and were younger were more likely to become involved. The traditional socio-economic measures of education and income as well as length of stay in the United States were non-significant predictors of non-citizen participation.This article examines the political participation of Latinos who live in the United States but are not citizens. Some scholars have noted that while non-citizens are unlikely to vote in American elections, other types of participation might not be unexpected. Garcia and Arce pointed out:It should be noted that ineligibility from voting does not totally remove the Mexican-born from the electoral process. They can, and many undoubtedly do, participate in campaigns, voice political opinions with family and friends, and contribute to campaigns. However, the nature and extent of their involvement with the electoral process is relatively unexplored. 1De la Garza and DeSipio similarly noted that 'Lack of citizenship serves to exclude participation in electoral activities and can make involvement in non-electoral political activities even less likely'. 2