Since the collapse of communism the states of postcommunist Europe and Asia have defined for themselves, and have had defined for them, two primary tasks: the construction of viable market economies and the establishment of working institutions of representative democracy. The variation in political and economic outcomes in the postcommunist space makes it, without question, the most diverse “region” in the world. What explains the variation? All of the big winners of postcommunism share the trait of being geographically close to the former border of the noncommunist world. Even controlling for cultural differences, historical legacies, and paths of extrication, the spatial effect remains consistent and strong across the universe of postcommunist cases. This suggests the spatially dependent nature of the diffusion of norms, resources, and institutions that are necessary to the construction of political democracies and market economies in the postcommunist era. The authors develop and adduce evidence for the spatial dependence hypothesis, test it against rival hypotheses, and illustrate the relationships at work through three theoretically important case studies.

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Why, after the outbreak of World War II in Eastern Europe, did the inhabitants of some communities erupt in violence against their Jewish neighbors? The authors hypothesize that the greater the degree of preexisting intercommunal polarization between Jews and the titular majority group, the more likely a pogrom. They test this proposition using an original data set of matched census and electoral returns from interwar Poland. Where Jews supported ethnic parties that advocated minority cultural autonomy, the local populations perceived the Jews as an obstacle to the creation of a nation-state in which minorities acknowledged the right of the titular majority to impose its culture across a country’s entire territory. These communities became toxic. Where determined state elites could politically integrate minorities, pogroms were far less likely to occur. The results point to the theoretical importance of political assimilation and are also consistent with research that extols the virtues of interethnic civic engagement.

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The EutL shell protein is a key component of the ethanolamine-utilization microcompartment, which serves to compartmentalize ethanolamine degradation in diverse bacteria. The apparent function of this shell protein is to facilitate the selective diffusion of large cofactor molecules between the cytoplasm and the lumen of the microcompartment. While EutL is implicated in molecular-transport phenomena, the details of its function, including the identity of its transport substrate, remain unknown. Here, the 2.1 Å resolution X-ray crystal structure of a EutL shell protein bound to cobalamin (vitamin B12) is presented and the potential relevance of the observed protein-ligand interaction is briefly discussed. This work represents the first structure of a bacterial microcompartment shell protein bound to a potentially relevant cofactor molecule.

Does contact between ethnic groups lead to greater support for liberal parties? Research on this debate in the US context is contaminated by high levels of mobility and a truncated party palette. This paper addresses the problem through a detailed examination of the 1929 and 1935 national parliamentary elections in Czechoslovakia, where mobility was relatively limited, the spectrum of parties was broad, and the ethnic groups were numerous. We employ ecological inference techniques on an original database of election and census results to estimate Czech, Slovak, Hungarian, and German support for liberal, fascist, nationalist, populist, and communist parties across a variety of local ethnic demographic configurations. The results show that on its own, inter-ethnic contact has indeterminate electoral effects: no uniform pattern of support for liberal parties exists either across or within ethnic groups. Contrary to expectation, this finding holds under both ethnically cooperative and conflictual national political environments. We surmise that this electoral behavior may be rooted as much in national demography and party organization as in the constraints posed by the local demographic context.

Most standard models of democratization privilege class-based actors and the regimes they prefer to account for patterns of dictatorship and democracy. These models are ill suited, however, to explain political regime change in interwar Eastern Europe, where the dominant cleavage was not class but nationality. As a consequence, neither the process of regime change nor the resulting regime outcomes in Eastern Europe conform to the standard Western European models. Through a detailed analysis of key episodes of regime change in interwar Czechoslovakia and Poland, the authors explore the different ethnic and social coalitions on which political authority was built and the circumstances under which these two countries made the transition from one regime type to another. The depth of the ethnic divide meant that sustaining democracy in Eastern Europe required sidelining the urban