Social capital and identity politics among Asian Buddhists in Toronto

Abstract

Asian Buddhist identities in Toronto are based on a proliferation of interconnected criteria ranging from shared language, culture, ethnicity, and notions of homeland to distinct doctrinal interpretations and practices. Each identity referent is given a wide variety of meanings and interpretations according to the social context, structures of power and inequality, and relevance of, or ability to, articulate collective self-definition and action. The authors of this article contend that the degree to which Asian Buddhists in Toronto can effectively use the politics of representation depends on the degree of social capital in their communities and/or with individuals associated with, or acting on behalf of, an identifiable group. A specific example of identity politics is examined in the case of the Lao refugees as they faced opposition to their establishing a temple. Local land-use disputes or neighbourhood tensions over places of worship reveal the importance of social capital for effective identity representation to counter negative stereotypes toward religious and racial minorities. The Lao example illustrates how ideal notions of pluralism and multiculturalism advocated by Canadian social policy are not necessarily equated in practice with diversity and acceptance of the other A Toronto, l'identitd asiatique bouddhiste estfond~e sur une multiplicitd de crit~res interrelids allant d'une langue, d' une culture, d'une ethnicitd et de notions de patrie communes ~ des interprdtations et des pratiques doctrinales distinctes. Chaque rdfdrent d'identit~ contient toute une gamme de szgnifications et d'interpr~tations selon le contexte social, les structures du pouvoir, les in~galit~s et la pertinence ou la capacitd d'dlaborer une d~finition et une action collectives. Nous d~montrons, dans ce texte, que la capacitd des Asiatiques bouddhistes de Toronto ?t utiliser efficacement la politique de la reprdsentation ddpend du degr~ de capital social au sein de leur communautd ou chez des personnes assocides ~un groupe ddfini ou qui agissent en son nom. Un exemple prdcis de la politique identitaire est celui des rdfugids du Laos qui ont affrontd l' opposition h la construction d'un temple. Les conflits locaux pour l'utilisation des terres ou les tensions entre voisins concernant des lieux de culte r~v~Ient l'importance du capital social pour une representation efficace de l'identitd afin de contrer les stdrdotypes ndgatifs envers les minoritds religieuses et raciales. L'exemple du Laos ddmontre que les notions iddales de pluralisme et de multiculturalisme promues dans les politiques sociales canadiennes ne se traduisent pas ndcessairement, dans la pratique, par la diversitd et l'acceptation de I" ~ autre ,~.

Social capital as it pertains to international ventures in Asia

“…The finding that linking is used less widely than bonding and bridging social capital in Laos is mirrored by a study that was conducted in the diaspora community in Toronto (McLellan and White, 2005). In this study, the Lao community was found to exhibit strong bonding, some bridging, and little or no linking social capital (whereas strong linking social capital was found in the Chinese community in Toronto).…”

Welcoming the Stranger: The Canadian Church and the Private Sponsorship of Refugees Program

“…Social capital is defined by Coleman (1988) and described in McLellan and White (2005) as "those social structures that make it possible to achieve particular goals and replicate familiar structural relations between people that generate networks of obligations, expectations, and trustworthiness" (McLellan, 2005, p. 237). Putnam (2000, as described by McLellan and White distinguished between two types of social capital.…”

Social, Religious, and ‘Spirit-based’ Capital within Cambodian and Lao Buddhist Communities in Ontario

“…The social and economic integration of newly arrived racial, cultural, or religious minority groups is closely related to effective leadership and community cohesion, which in turn reflect the degrees and types of social capital within the group, or associated with it (Ebaugh and Chafetz, 2000;Guest, 2003;McLellan, 2009;McLellan and White, 2005;White, 2012;Zhou and Bankston, 1994). Low levels of social and economic capital can inhibit successful socio-political representation or effective advocacy and activism, such as an inability to effectively negotiate and resolve land use disputes arising from local opposition to religious minorities establishing places of worship (Dunn, 2001;Tweed and Prothero, 1999: 289).…”