2016
DOI: 10.1016/j.rcpe.2016.04.001
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Epidemiología y seguimiento del impacto de la legislación sobre los fuegos artificiales en Colombia, Sur América

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Cited by 2 publications
(2 citation statements)
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“…The combination of manifest capacity deficits at the subnational level along with the recuperation of the central state under Uribe led to the conclusion that the peace accord could do without much of a role assigned to subnational governments.The decision to transfer capacity wholesale from the centre rather than working with local actors to build capacity on site had the added benefit of undermining the FARC as one of the few territorial organisations with any claim to capacity. 9 Over the last decade, a vibrant literature has emerged to explain why and how the FARC provided order in the territories it controlled, including the establishment by rebels of informal courts to adjudicate disputes and the provision of social services in the areas of health and education (Arjona, 2016, p. 62; Avila & Castro 2016; Revelo & García, 2018). The FARC’s ability to create parallel and informal institutions in the twin areas of security and justice is especially important given, as Claudia López (2016, p. 493) demonstrates, that capacity deficits in these two areas are what has doomed every attempt by the national government to “bring the state to the regions.” Considering this reality, building capacity locally would likely require validating the FARC as a quasi-governing actor and, in effect, incorporating its capacity into the state, which Santos’s negotiators sought to avoid due to the constant battle they faced vis-à-vis the right flank of opposition to the accord headed by Uribe himself (Bermúdez, 2018).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The combination of manifest capacity deficits at the subnational level along with the recuperation of the central state under Uribe led to the conclusion that the peace accord could do without much of a role assigned to subnational governments.The decision to transfer capacity wholesale from the centre rather than working with local actors to build capacity on site had the added benefit of undermining the FARC as one of the few territorial organisations with any claim to capacity. 9 Over the last decade, a vibrant literature has emerged to explain why and how the FARC provided order in the territories it controlled, including the establishment by rebels of informal courts to adjudicate disputes and the provision of social services in the areas of health and education (Arjona, 2016, p. 62; Avila & Castro 2016; Revelo & García, 2018). The FARC’s ability to create parallel and informal institutions in the twin areas of security and justice is especially important given, as Claudia López (2016, p. 493) demonstrates, that capacity deficits in these two areas are what has doomed every attempt by the national government to “bring the state to the regions.” Considering this reality, building capacity locally would likely require validating the FARC as a quasi-governing actor and, in effect, incorporating its capacity into the state, which Santos’s negotiators sought to avoid due to the constant battle they faced vis-à-vis the right flank of opposition to the accord headed by Uribe himself (Bermúdez, 2018).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Las lesiones por pólvora se consideran prevenibles, algunos países han implementado normatividad legislativa que regula y restringe su uso; sin embargo, se ha demostrado que las medidas restrictivas no son suficientes, tal es el caso de países como Nueva Zelanda y la India. En Dinamarca en cambio, se observó una reducción en la incidencia y en la gravedad de lesiones por pólvora al combinar la implementación de leyes con campañas educativas dirigidas a la comunidad en general (6).…”
Section: Introductionunclassified