Community resistance and the inclusive city: Devising strategies in São Paulo

Donaghy, Maureen M.

doi:10.1080/07352166.2017.1343635

Cited by 9 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 28 publications

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“…In content, inclusive city involves the inclusion of all residents regardless of demographic factors such as gender, race, age, religion, location, caste, ethnicity, occupation or disability status (Anttiroiko and de Jong, 2020;Liu et al, 2020). In the governance process, inclusive cities are embodied in extensive public participation and democratic decision-making to ensure that the voices of various groups are fully heard and reflected in urban planning and policymaking (Alessandria, 2016;Donaghy, 2017).…”

Section: Inclusive Cities and City Brandingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Between branding and being: how are inclusive city branding and inclusive city practices related?

Zhao,

Edelenbos,

de Jong

2024

JPMD

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Purpose The purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between being an inclusive city and branding oneself as such, as more cities adopt the inclusive city concept as part of their brand identity. Design/methodology/approach This paper builds theory by introducing a typology that categorizes cities based on their level of inclusion and degree of branding, supplemented by an analysis of the branding practices and identities. Integrating the literature on inclusive city and city branding, with a specific focus on the inherent conflict between their sharing and competing attributes, this research postulates that a city may choose to engage in being inclusive and branding itself as such in various ways depending on its dominant motivations of altruism or entrepreneurialism. Findings Four distinct types of inclusive city branding are identified: inclusion ambassadors (high inclusion and high branding); innate champions (high inclusion and low branding); façade marketers (low inclusion and high branding); and silent segregators (low inclusion and low branding). Furthermore, it underscores that inclusive city branding is shaped by the interplay of entrepreneurialism and altruism, not just a city’s inclusion. Different branding practices, such as media-generated images, narratives and events, are emphasized when entrepreneurialism is the primary motivation, whereas iconic architecture buildings, flagship projects and long-term policies are more associated with altruism. Originality/value This study develops a typology to unravel the paradoxical aspects of inclusive city branding. Examining the intersection of city branding motivations and practices enriches existing literature. Moreover, its findings offer valuable insights for cities grappling with the implementation of contentious inclusive branding strategies, thereby bridging theory with practical applications.

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Section: Inclusive Cities and City Brandingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Between branding and being: how are inclusive city branding and inclusive city practices related?

Zhao,

Edelenbos,

de Jong

2024

JPMD

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“…Leading public sector actors include the municipal secretaries of planning, housing and environment, the state secretary of the environment and the city council. Prominent activist groups include the União dos Movimentos de Moradia (UMM), the Frente de Lutas por Moradia (FLM) and the Centro Gaspar Garcia de Direitos Humanos (Donaghy, : 10). Activist groups often partner with think tanks and research centers such as Instituto Pólis and the Laboratório de Habitação e Assentamentos Humanos at the University of São Paulo.…”

Section: São Paulo In Contextmentioning

confidence: 99%

Beyond Bureaucracy: How Prosecutors and Public Defenders Enforce Urban Planning Laws in São Paulo, Brazil

Coslovsky

2015

Int J Urban Regional Res

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Cities need law to thrive, but it is not clear how abstract texts become tangible policy outcomes. Existing research on the role of law in urban affairs conceives law as either an algorithm that shapes urban life or a reflection of political disputes. The former assumes that the meaning of law is obvious; the latter claims it is irrelevant. In contrast to these views, I argue that laws are multipurpose instruments that acquire a specific function when enforced by those government agents who operate at the frontlines of public service. To understand what these agents do and why, I conducted a qualitative study of the Ministério Público and the Defensoria Pública in São Paulo, Brazil. Through this process, I found that these government agencies are not cohesive bureaucracies but heterarchies composed of distinct internal factions with different evaluative principles. Moreover, officials within them are not isolated from other entities in society but tightly entangled with them, and these connections influence what these officials do. Finally, enforcement agents are not always resigned to solving conflicts as they arise. Rather, they strive to find acceptable solutions in the interstices of existing conditions or even change the circumstances that created the conflict in the first place.

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“…Built upon Mitchell (2003) argument that recognition of the public spheres spatiality will transform our understanding of the politics of public space, Low & Iveson (2016) describes that "if this material and spatial context is regulated in unfair ways, and through its management and design communicates that some are not welcome, then not only public space becomes less accessible and diverse, but so does the public sphere". Donaghy (2017) explains that civil society must act from the inside to have equal access to the benefits of urban life and to achieve political and territorial inclusion. In resemblance to Dewey's (1927) idea that democracy is "the cultivation of shared understandings through diverse voices -individual and collective-that can be heard", recent studies describe the public space as produces the public sphere through a location.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

A democratization of urban space: Gender and ethnicity in the Whitechapel Market

Ashery

Natapov

2020

Journal of Urban Affairs

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This article examines how the replication of familial, communal patterns from the home country is shaping public space. Combining the synergetic aspects of subjective experience with the objective measurements of the space we study Whitechapel market in the East End of London. We shed new light on the term public sphere revealing two socio-spatial mechanisms: The first is an adaptation of the spatial structure: a way of the local community to create separation between females and males in the heterogeneous western public space. The second is the 'invisible hands' of the females: The unobservable force that contributes to the community's wealth and cohesion. Our findings show the capacity of a given urban form for adaptation -it creates a new public sphere, partly democratized, but still segregated. A sphere, that from one hand provides traditional gendered roles, and from other a fertile environment for social and economic prosperity.

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Community resistance and the inclusive city: Devising strategies in São Paulo

Cited by 9 publications

References 28 publications

Between branding and being: how are inclusive city branding and inclusive city practices related?

Between branding and being: how are inclusive city branding and inclusive city practices related?

Beyond Bureaucracy: How Prosecutors and Public Defenders Enforce Urban Planning Laws in São Paulo, Brazil

A democratization of urban space: Gender and ethnicity in the Whitechapel Market

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