Abstract:This article seeks to contribute to the discussion of how the gender gap in foreign and security policy issues can be explained by examining how early the gender differences manifest themselves. All told, 251 Swedish children between the ages of six and nine were interviewed about their views on foreign aid, refugee policy, weapons exports, armed resistance, self-defense, and concern or fear about the outbreak of war. Opinion differences between boys and girls were then compared to the differences between adul… Show more
“…The tendencies of women to deviate from men in their opinions on security might vary over the life course. Bjereld (2001) did not identify any differences in views on foreign policy issues among very young children. A gender gap might thus develop later, on the basis of experiences during youth or early adulthood.…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 66%
“…In an experiment analyzing gender differences in Swedish children's opinions on a range of foreign policy issues, Bjereld (2001) finds little evidence of any gender gap. This suggests that gender differences might be attributable to differences in socialization after early childhood.…”
Gender differences have been observed regarding many political and social issues, yet we lack comprehensive evidence on differences in perceptions on a wide range of security issues increasingly important to voters: military threats, criminality, and terrorism. Previous research suggests that when women are highly politically mobilized, as they are in Sweden, gender differences in political opinion are large. On the other hand, Swedish politicians have worked hard to reduce gender stereotypical thinking. This prompts the question: Are there gender differences in attitudes on security issues in Sweden, and if so, in what ways do the attitudes differ? This study is based on comprehensive data from focus groups and a large-scale survey. The results show that women were more prone to respond with an “ethic of care,” across security issues. Women were more inclined to understand security problems as structural, explained by macho culture, segregation, and injustice. Women tend to support preventive measures that provide individuals with opportunities to choose “the right path,” such as education and economic investment in deprived areas. When asked about national security, women believe more in diplomacy and dialogue. In general, women are less inclined to support various repressive solutions.
“…The tendencies of women to deviate from men in their opinions on security might vary over the life course. Bjereld (2001) did not identify any differences in views on foreign policy issues among very young children. A gender gap might thus develop later, on the basis of experiences during youth or early adulthood.…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 66%
“…In an experiment analyzing gender differences in Swedish children's opinions on a range of foreign policy issues, Bjereld (2001) finds little evidence of any gender gap. This suggests that gender differences might be attributable to differences in socialization after early childhood.…”
Gender differences have been observed regarding many political and social issues, yet we lack comprehensive evidence on differences in perceptions on a wide range of security issues increasingly important to voters: military threats, criminality, and terrorism. Previous research suggests that when women are highly politically mobilized, as they are in Sweden, gender differences in political opinion are large. On the other hand, Swedish politicians have worked hard to reduce gender stereotypical thinking. This prompts the question: Are there gender differences in attitudes on security issues in Sweden, and if so, in what ways do the attitudes differ? This study is based on comprehensive data from focus groups and a large-scale survey. The results show that women were more prone to respond with an “ethic of care,” across security issues. Women were more inclined to understand security problems as structural, explained by macho culture, segregation, and injustice. Women tend to support preventive measures that provide individuals with opportunities to choose “the right path,” such as education and economic investment in deprived areas. When asked about national security, women believe more in diplomacy and dialogue. In general, women are less inclined to support various repressive solutions.
“…Thus, respondents are coded one for Republican and zero for all other categories, and one for Democrat and zero for all other categories. 4 Because individuals with more education are less likely to support punitive punishment for crime and engagement in violent activity (Barkan and Cohn 2005;Bjereld 2001;Cullen, Fisher, and Applegate 2000;Wilcox, Hewitt, and Allsop 1996), we expect that more educated respondents will be less supportive of most interrogation techniques and include a nine-point scale capturing educational attainment. And although anxiety, feeling threatened, and fear of terrorism might indirectly shape attitudes about counterterrorism, including torture (Davis and Silver 2004;Huddy et al 2002;Huddy et al 2005), the survey does not contain any direct measures of anxiety.…”
Section: Data and Variablesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Although no previous studies have systematically examined gender differences on opposition to torture, attitude differences between women and men on issues of punitive punishment for crime, and fear of crime, as well as support for violent foreign policy actions such as military engagement, have been reported (Bjereld 2001;Haghighi and Lopez 1998;Hurwitz and Smithey 1998;Kaufmann and Petrocik 1999;Ortega and Myles 1987;Smith 1984;Warr 1995;Wilcox, Hewitt, and Allsop 1996).…”
The events of September 11 have clearly changed the way that Americans think about politics and policy and may have changed attitudes about the treatment of America's perceived enemies. At the same time, revelations about American interrogation techniques in the war on terror have forced a national dialogue on human rights during a time of war. Americans do tend to oppose a variety of harsh interrogation techniques, but opposition appears to be conditioned by gender, partisanship, and the context in which an interrogation might take place. We explore how conditions shape attitudes on interrogation techniques in the war on terror, with a particular focus on gender and contextual framing. We analyze data from a unique 2004 national survey of American adults to test several hypotheses. Our results suggest that gender strongly shapes opposition to harsh interrogation techniques, but contextual framing also shapes opposition. Partisanship and contextual framing also mediate the influence of gender on attitudes.
“…Some look at socialization processes and the differences in childhood experiences between boys and girls to account for gendered voting differences later in life (see Bjereld, 2001;Pratto et al ., 1997;Trevor, 1999). A second approach examines structural factors or "background variables" that may distinguish between men and women in adult life, and studies how these might explain the gender gap in voting (Conover, 1988;De Vaus and McAllister, 1989;Hayes, 1997;Inglehart and Norris, 2000;Knutsen, 2001;Miller, 1988;Smith, 1993).…”
Section: Explanations Of the Modern Gender Gap In Votingmentioning
A BSTRACT Most modern democratic societies have seen a gender gap in voting in the last 10-20 years, with women in the majority on the political left, and men on the right. Despite the cross-national nature of this phenomenon and the extensive amount of research on the gender gap, scholars have not succeeded in finding cross-national explanations for it. Through a detailed specification of the causal effects at work, I outline a model that explains the gender gap in voting in different countries. I test the model by performing path analysis on data from the United States, the Netherlands, and Norway. The analysis reveals a strong effect of "feminist consciousness" on the gender gap in the US and in Norway.
IntroductionDifferences in the political preferences of men and women first appeared as a topic in the social sciences in Herbert Tingsten's (1937) book on "Political Behavior". Through detailed analyses of election statistics, Tingsten found what Maurice Duverger (1955) more famously wrote 18 years later, that women were more supportive of conservative parties than were men, and, conversely, that men were overrepresented among socialist or left-wing party supporters. The 1980 US presidential election marked the first time scholars noted a reversal of that trend. Survey data then revealed a gender gap in the opposite direction; women were more supportive of Jimmy Carter and the Democratic Party than men, while men composed the majority of Reagan supporters. This "modern gender gap" has been strengthened since the 1980s and has now established itself as a near-universal phenomenon in western democracies. In most of these countries, women are more likely to support left-of-center parties than men, while men are more likely to support right-of-center parties (cf. Inglehart and Norris, 2000).An extensive political science literature has analyzed and tried to explain the modern gender gap in voting, with varying success. Though this phenomenon repeats itself with remarkable consistency in different countries, no explanation can
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