Allies or Opponents? Power-Sharing, Civil Society, and Gender

Abstract

A developing body of literature is emerging to consider the gendered implications of powersharing (consociational) governance. This literature argues that the structures inherent within power-sharing governance privilege ethnic/ethno-national identity, and thus impede the argument for greater women's descriptive and substantive political representation. This paper extends these arguments to consider how consociational theory addresses (or does not address) the role of civil society in post-conflict environments, and the gendered effects that this has on women's political voice in post-conflict society. Drawing on the conceptual literature on both consociational theory and women's political activism in conflict and post-conflict societies, it argues that power-sharing is overly concerned with formal representation to the detriment of an understanding of the role that civil society can play in peacebuilding. Whilst we acknowledge the importance of civil society retaining a critical distance from political institutions, we suggest several mechanisms for incorporating civil society into power-sharing arrangements. We argue throughout that a consideration of power-sharing and civil society helps to highlight the gendered issues that remain relatively ignored in post-conflict settings, and conclude that a broader understanding of both 'politics' and 'conflict' is required for power-sharing to be more equitable to women's descriptive and substantive representation.

Power-sharing: A gender intervention

“…Bell, 2018; Bell and McNicholl, 2019; Brown and Ní Aoláin, 2015), and grassroots civil society and feminist peace activisms (e.g. Deiana, 2015; Demetriou and Hadjipavlou, 2018; Pierson and Thomson, 2018). There is also a strand of the women and political representation literature that considers the impact of consociation on women’s representation.…”

“…There is a long history of women’s cross-community peace work and other forms of grassroots mobilization, work that consociationalism tends to gloss over (e.g. Byrne, 2014; Deiana, 2015; Pierson and Thomson, 2018). Partly this is because consociation focuses primarily on formal political institutions.…”

“…Drawing inspiration from the insights of feminist peace activism on the rich and varied forms of women’s political mobilization and activism outside traditional formal political channels, consociationalism may need to meet women where they are. Strategies that bridge the gap between civil society and electoral venues, such as civic forums, citizens’ assemblies, and independent commissions, may facilitate women’s inclusion in power-sharing spaces in new and innovative ways (see, in particular, Demetriou and Hadjipavlou 2018; Pierson and Thomson 2018; Walsh 2017; True and Riveros-Morales, 2019). At a minimum, it is a reminder that consociationalism compels a certain kind of political participation – political party formation – that is not always well suited to women’s political mobilization preferences.…”

“…When they do gain entry into such formal political spaces, they must also confront enduring gender tropes and stereotypes that challenge their legitimacy and efficacy. While women are not without ethnic identities of their own – including those represented in power-sharing – there is concern that power-sharing constrains their ability to mobilize, participate and be represented as women and that their concerns are often unaddressed or deferred as part of the power-sharing agenda (Byrne and McCulloch, 2012; Deiana, 2015; Hayes and McAllister, 2012; Pierson and Thomson, 2018). Women, that is, experience the EAI dilemma at multiple stages of the post-conflict transition: they are often excluded from negotiations that produce power-sharing, they are minimally represented in post-conflict power-sharing institutions, and even if included, their priorities continue to butt up against resilient gender norms and tropes.…”

Others in Deeply Divided Societies: A Research Agenda

“…Many civil society organizations mobilizing on a non-ethnic basis refrain from engaging in formal politics at all. Shunning the 'big p' political arena has been observed in the 'protest and plenum' movement in Bosnia, 22 the women's movement in Northern Ireland and Bosnia 23 and public services protests in Lebanon. 24 Yet, remaining removed from the political sphere carries the risk of further marginalization, serving to exacerbate, not alleviate, the EAI Dilemma.…”