Consociational democracy has become the most influential paradigm in the field of powersharing institutional design and post-conflict peacebuilding. Consociation institutes representation for certain formerly excluded groups. However, it simultaneously inhibits effective political representation for groups that do not align with the societal divisions that consociation seeks to accommodate, specifically the 'additional' cleavage of gender. Given the extensive use of the consociational model as a peacebuilding tool in divided states and the growing awareness of the disproportionate negative effect of conflict on women, there is a surprising lack of consideration of the effect that consociational power-sharing has on women's representation. This article considers the specific impact that the consociational model has on women's representation. We argue that because gender is an integral factor in conflict, it should therefore be integral to postconflict governance. With empirical reference to contemporary Northern Ireland, it is illustrated that consociationalism is a 'gender-blind' theory.

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A developing body of literature is emerging to consider the gendered implications of powersharing (consociational) governance. This literature argues that the structures inherent within power-sharing governance privilege ethnic/ethno-national identity, and thus impede the argument for greater women's descriptive and substantive political representation. This paper extends these arguments to consider how consociational theory addresses (or does not address) the role of civil society in post-conflict environments, and the gendered effects that this has on women's political voice in post-conflict society. Drawing on the conceptual literature on both consociational theory and women's political activism in conflict and post-conflict societies, it argues that power-sharing is overly concerned with formal representation to the detriment of an understanding of the role that civil society can play in peacebuilding. Whilst we acknowledge the importance of civil society retaining a critical distance from political institutions, we suggest several mechanisms for incorporating civil society into power-sharing arrangements. We argue throughout that a consideration of power-sharing and civil society helps to highlight the gendered issues that remain relatively ignored in post-conflict settings, and conclude that a broader understanding of both 'politics' and 'conflict' is required for power-sharing to be more equitable to women's descriptive and substantive representation.

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What are the contemporary issues in abortion politics globally? What factors explain variations in access to abortion between and within different countries? This text provides a transnationally focused, interdisciplinary analysis of trends in abortion politics using case studies from around the global north and south. It considers how societal influences, such as religion, nationalism and culture, impact abortion law and access. It explores the impact of international human rights norms, the increasing displacement of people due to conflict and crisis and the role of activists on law reform and access. The book concludes by considering the future of abortion politics through the more holistic lens of reproductive justice. Utilising a unique interdisciplinary approach, this book provides a major contribution to the knowledge base on abortion politics globally. It provides an accessible, informative and engaging text for academics, policy makers and readers interested in abortion politics.

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Reproductive rights are an under-theorised aspect of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, most clearly typified in United Nations Security Council resolution (UNSCR) 1325 and successive resolutions. Yet reproductive rights are central to women's security, health and human rights. Although they feature in the 2015 Global Study on 1325, there is less reference to reproductive rights, and to abortion specifically, in the suite of UNSC resolutions themselves, nor the National Actions Plans (NAPs -policy documents created by individual countries to outline their implementation plan for 1325). Through content analysis of all resolutions and NAPs produced to date, this article asks where abortion is in the WPS agenda. It argues that the growing centrality of the WPS agenda to women's rights in transitioning societies means that a lack of focus on abortion will marginalise the topic and stifle the development of liberal legalisation.