Abstract, this research applied qualitative approach, by using field research model. The qualitative approach model that is applied emphasize more on Phenomenological perspective, which is focus on the interpretation and emic meaning analysis in the forms of expressions (empiric) found in the field. While the focus of this research concists of (1) what is the meaning of "politic" for Kiai and Santri Pamekasan? (2) How is the tendency of Santri’s political attitude to the Kiai’s political attitude? (3) How are the ways and efforts taken by Kiai to defend their autoritative leadership?. This research took place in Palengaan district, Pamekasan regency where the focus of this study is the Kiai’s involvement and santri in the politic on regent and vise regent election in 2008 – 2013 period (Local Leaders Election), that is held on 5 March 2008 and on 9 January 2013 – 2018 period. The results of this research are: the first, the Kiai’s political formula is used to retain his leadership authority to Santri which relies on two powers, they are; traditional and charismatic domination. It means Kiaikeeps to retain his glamour as religious charismatic figure by using the symbols of obedience which are framed by religious moral values in retaining his santri’s obedience. Second, Santri’ political attitude have shifted from political obedience to the political difference although it is done by alumnus only. From their political attitude, it is found that there are three Santri’s political typology, they are: (1) Santri with absolute obedience, (2) Santri with fictive obedience, (3) Prismatic Santri Key Word: Kiai-Santris’s Politic, Charismatic, Obedience الملخص:استخدم هذا البحث المنهج النوعي بالإطار الميداني. فيطلق المنهج النوعي على وجهة النظر الفينومنولوجية التي تؤدي إلى تفسير وتحليل المعنى الداخلي الذي يتعلق بالعبارات الموجودة فى الميدان. أما تحديد هذا البحث فيطلق إلى ما يلي: 1) ما هو معني السياسة عند أسياد المعاهد الإسلامية وطلابها فى مدينة باميكاسن؟ 2) إلى ما اتجهت سلوك السياسة لطلاب المعاهد الإسلامية نحو انتخاب أسياد المعاهد السياسي؟ 3) ما هي المحاولات والمواقف لأسياد المعاهد على محافظة سيطرتهم الرياسية؟ حل هذا البحث فى منطقة بالنجاعن بمحافظة باميكاسن بالتركيز إلى مشاركة أسياد المعاهد وطلابها فى سياسة انتخاب رئيس المحافظة ونائبها بمرحلة السنة 2008- 2013 من الميلاد ، المعقدة تاريخ الخامس من مارس سنة 2008 م وفى فترة بين شهر يناير 2008 إلى يناير 2018. فالاستنتاجات من هذا البحث هي: 1) صيغة أسياد المعاهد السياسية المستخدمة فى محافظة سيطرتهم الرياسية على جميع الطلاب تركز إلى القوتين، هما: التقليدية و الهيمنة الكاريزمية. فهما تعنيان أن أسياد المعاهد يحافظ أنفسهم كأشخاص كاريزمي متدين برموز الطاعات مع إطارات القيم الدينية فى محافظة طاعات الطلاب نحوهم. 2) وقوع التغييرات فى الاتجاهات السياسية لطلاب المعاهد من الإطاعة السياسية إلى التفرق السياسي، رغم أن ذلك منفذ فى المجالات المحدودة (فرقة الخريجين). فمن قبل الاتجاهات المتنوعة، أوجد الباحث ثلاثة أنواع الطلاب: 1) الطلاب المطيع فى الدرجة المطلقة، 2) الطلاب المطيع فى الدرجة الزائفة، 3) الطلاب البرسماتيكية. Abstrak, penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif, dengan model penelitian lapangan. Model pendekatan kualitatif yang digunakan lebih menekankan pada perspektif fenomenologi, yaitu penekanan kepada interpretasi dan analisis makna emic yang berupa ungkapan-ungkapan (empiris) yang ditemukan di lapangan. Adapun, fokus penelitian ini terdiri dari: (1) Apa makna politik bagi kiai dan santri di Pamekasan? (2) Bagaimana kecenderungan perilaku politik santri terhadap pilihan politik kiai? (3) Bagaimana upaya dan sikap kiai mempertahankan otoritas kepemimpinannya? Riset ini mengambil tempat di Kecamatan Palengaan, Kabupaten Pamekasan dengan fokus kajian keterlibatan kiai dan santri dalam politik pemilihan bupati dan wakil bupati periode 2008-2013 (Pilkada), yang dilaksanakan pada tanggal 5, Maret 2008 dan periode 9 Januari 2013-2018. Hasil penelitian ini adalah: Pertama, formula politik kiai yang digunakan dalam mempertahankan otoritas kepemimpinannya terhadap santri bertumpu pada dua kekuatan yatu; traditional dan charismatic domination. Artinya kiai tetap mempertahankan pesona sebagai sosok karismatik relijius melalui simbol-simbol kepatuhan yang dibingkai nilai moral agama dalam mempertahankan kepatuhan santrinya. Kedua, perilaku politik santri telah terjadi pergeseran dari kepatuhan politik ke perbedaan politik walaupun hal itu dilakukan oleh sebatas santri alumni. Dari perilaku politik santri tersebut ditemukan ada tiga tipologi politik santri yaitu: (1) Santri patuh mutlak, (2) Santri patuh semu dan (3) Santri prismatik.
Pesantren is the most important part of some education in Indonesia, it is the oldest institution of Islamic education in Indonesia and is also part of indegenous culture. Pondok Pesantren has a religious purpose, according to founder kiai, the habit of establishing pesantren is influenced by personal experience of kiai during studying in pesantren.Tulisan try to analyze about management aspect in leadership of a kiai in pesantren and its contribution to quality of pesantren education, kiai has been able to strengthen existence pesantren institutions are mostly successful in producing santri who are mah-mahmah and qualified in religious matters, but are less able to respond and accommodate to the needs of the times.
This article discusses the phenomenon of post-truth politics, role, and its influence on the return of Islamophobic narratives in the dynamics of Indonesian political constellation. There are three main issues discussed in this study: post-truth, Islamophobia in Indonesia, and contemporary Indonesian political constellation. Using qualitative research and analysis of critical theory perspectives, this study found that the development of post-truth political practices indirectly evokes the narrative of Islamophobia in contemporary Indonesian political constellation. The return of the Islamophobia can be seen in three ways. First, the practice of post-truth politics which is rooted in the politicization of religion and ethnicity, it gives negative impact not only because of unhealthy process of leadership circulation in Indonesia, but has also faltered the reality of Indonesia's plurality as a pluralist state, both in terms of ethnicity and religion. Second, post-truth political practices in which contain propaganda, intimidation, lies and hate speech have stimulated the rise of sentiment towards religious social groups, as happened in the “212 Movement”. Third, the return of Islamophobic narratives due to political Post-truth appears to be increasing clashes and practices of religious intolerance in Indonesia, where intolerance is practiced by the majority against minority groups. Artikel ini mengkaji fenomena politik post-truth, peran dan pengaruhnya terhadap kembalinya narasi Islamophobia dalam dinamika konstelasi politik Indonesia kontemporer. Terdapat tiga permasalahan pokok yang dibahas dalam kajian ini: post-truth, Islamophobia, dan konstelasi politik Indonesia kontemporer. Dengan menggunakan jenis penelitian kualitatif dan analisis perspektif teori kritis, studi ini mendapati temuan bahwa berkembangnya praktik politik post-truth, secara tidak langsung telah membangkitkan kembali narasi Islamophobia dalam konstelasi politik Indonesia kontemporer. Kembalinya narasi Islamophobia tersebut terlihat dalam tiga hal. Pertama, praktik politik post-truth yang berakar pada politisasi agama dan etnisitas, telah menimbulkan dampak negatif bukan saja pada tidak sehatnya proses sirkulasi kepemimpinan di Indonesia, namun juga telah membuat goyah realitas kemajemukan Indonesia sebagai negara pluralis, baik dari segi etnisitas maupun agama. Kedua, praktik politik post-truth yang di dalamnya berisikan propaganda, intimidasi, dan kebohongan, telah menstimulus bangkitnya sentimen terhadap kelompok-kelompok sosial keagamaan, seperti yang terjadi dalam gerakan Aksi Bela Islam 212. Ketiga, kembalinya narasi Islamophobia akibat politik post-truth nampak pada semakin meningkatnya benturan dan praktik intoleransi keagamaan di Indonesia, di mana intoleransi dilakukan oleh kelompok mayoritas terhadap kelompok minoritas.
This study examines the historical terminology of mamaca (macapat) in the Modung Bangkalan West Serabi Village. "The focus of the study is" How is the existence of the Macapat songs in the cultural, the mystical and religious dimensions of the Modung Bangkalan West Serabi Village community? " The West Serabi Village community, the mystical and religious dimensions of Modung Bangkalan. The results of the study concluded and explained that the elements of the West's Song (macapat) in the Modung Bangkalan consist of: (1) personal beliefs about the old teachings as a truth, (2) the public's heritage in always upholding ancestral heritage, (3) the teachings of goodness in the world that are relevant to the culture of society, (4) customs that tend to be mystically influenced by old cultures that are still used from generation to generation, ( 5) The value and guidance of many and individual citizens.
Fazlur Rahman thinking, in the contemporary Islamic world, is known as a figure who is able to convince in formulating methods to understand the Qur'an. The method brought by Fazlur Rahman in the formulation lies in the study of philosophy, social science, and humanities. The method brought by Fazlur Rahman is often referred to as double movement hermeneutics or hermeneutika gerakan ganda. The process involves repeated movements a number of times, especially the present and past problems of the contents of the Qur'an. In this study, there are two problems, how is the statement of BEM UI on the coronation of President Joko Widodo as 'The King of Lip Service' and the relevance of this to the verse of the Qur'an about keeping promises in QS. Ali 'Imran verse 77. This type of research is a study of literature with a double movement theory approach to seeking substantive matters in the law of the Qur'an regarding keeping promises. The results of this study are that leaders who do not keep their promises and are tyrannical to their people have existed since ancient times, one of which was after the leadership of the Prophet Muhammad, for example, Al-Hakim Biamrillah Al-Fathimi. Even worse, nearing the end of the world, many unjust leaders will appear. The inclusion of President Joko Widodo as The King of Lip Service is a sign of dissatisfaction with Joko Widodo's words from reality.
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