Ce travail s'attache à la terrible famine qui sévit en Grèce en 1942. On examine les conditions qui menèrent à un état de famine sévère, quoique généralement ignoré, et c'est l'élément démographique qui fait l'objet de cet article. Faute d'autres données, l'etude est restreinte à l'île de Myconos, qui implique alors une population close, puisque les déplacements de population étaient strictement limitées par les forces d'occupation allemande. Cet élément autorise une étude hors-pair de cette famine, dès lors que la situation permet d'examiner les conséquences démographiques directes du manque de nourriture, en l'absence de cet élément perturbateur qu'est la migration.
Pontic Greeks have been migrating from the former Soviet Union to Greece at least since the 1960s and into the 1990s. The more recent migrants (mid-1980s onwards) differ from those who migrated earlier (in the 1960s and 1970s) in their cause of migration and in their socio-economic background while in the Soviet Union. These differences had a significant effect on the expectations and aspirations of the two groups (older and newer migrants) once they were in Greece. An equally significant effect was that of the difference in definition of national identity for these migrants between their place of origin and the place of their destination. For, while their Greek identity in the Soviet Union was defined in their official documentation and necessitated little obvious manifestation of cultural, linguistic, or religious signs and practices, this same identity was insufficient to qualify them as members of their host society, even though the Greek State had officially bestowed such a qualification upon them. Such continuing divergence of definitions of identity impedes their integration in the host society.
The focus of the study is the population of the Cycladic island of Mykonos, Greece, from the mid-nineteenth to the mid-twentieth century. An overwhelming preponderance of nuclear households was found there in the mid-nineteenth century. The inheritance system facilitated the observed rules of neolocality. At the same time, the marriage pattern was clearly Mediterranean, i.e. with rather low age at first marriage for females, high for males, and low levels of permanent celibacy. Over the period of the study a gradual move away from this pattern was observed, mainly due to an increase in the female age at marriage. These findings are in line with other evidence from southern Mediterranean Europe, and indicate the strong influence of common socioeconomic and probably cultural elements.
This abstract examines the timing and means of the fertility transition on the Greek island of Mykonos in the period 1879 to 1959. By combining the results of family reconstitution with oral evidence, an unusual insight into the pathways of the fertility transition of this island population is offered. The paper concludes by outlining a model of the adoption of fertility control, a model which sees the transition from high to low fertility as a transition from spacing to stopping, and from innovation of methods to innovation of ideas.
The structure of nineteenth-century Greek households remains largely
unknown. The handful of published articles and books based on
quantitative analysis suggest the existence and persistence of many
household forms among Greek populations. The most extensive study,
and the only one dealing with an urban population, focuses on Athens. In
The Making of the modern Greek family, Sant Cassia and Bada argue that
an ‘urban model’ had emerged by the 1830s. Adopted from the nikokirei
‘upper-class’ group, households were characterized by equal partibility of
parental property among sons and daughters, the generous endowment
of daughters at marriage and ‘a tendency towards neolocality’ (the
formation of an independent household on marriage). Gradually, this
‘Athenian model’ of property transmission and household organization
‘was legitimized by the church and by popular literature, and eventually
became the cultural norm not merely for townspeople but for those in the
countryside as well’. The authors are eager to point out that these ‘family
forms and patterns of property transmission in Greece, especially in urban
areas, are “new” rather than continuations of traditional rural patterns’,
implying the ‘export’ of these new forms from the Athenian to other
urban and rural populations.
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