Fairness is central to morality. Previous research has shown that children begin to understand fairness between the ages of four and six, depending on the context and method used. Within distributive contexts, there is little clear evidence that children have a concept of fairness before the age of five. This research, however, has mostly examined children's explicit verbal responses to questions about unequal distributions-a method that often underestimates children's knowledge. In the current study, we instead examined emotional and behavioral signs that children notice and dislike inequality. We distributed an unequal number of rewards (stickers) among pairs of children (the ages of three to five years) and probed their responses to the inequality.Both implicit and explicit measures revealed that children as young as three years old notice and react negatively to an unfair distribution, particularly when they receive less than their partner. The few age trends that were found involved verbal (explicit) responses, providing evidence that although children do not explicitly talk about fairness until the age of five or six, this talk is an effort to explain emotional reactions that emerged earlier in development.
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Participation in imagined worlds is a hallmark of the human species, and yet we know little about the context of its early emergence. The experiments reported here replicated and extended in 2 directions Lillard and Witherington's (2004) study of how mothers pretend to have snacks, across different ages of children (15-to 24-month-olds, Experiment 1) and to a different scenario (personal grooming, Experiment 2). Mothers' pretend behaviors changed little as infants aged, but there were some scenario differences. Most striking in this research was the consistency with which particular maternal pretend behaviors were associated with children engaging in pretense behaviors and smiling. The findings are discussed with reference to the child's emerging skills in joint attention and social referencing.Humans' ability to participate in worlds beyond the here and now is a hallmark of the species, foundational to planning, invention, art, and much else (Walton, 1990). Pretend play is one of the earliest clear instances of such participation, yet we know little about the context of its emergence. In an earlier study, Lillard and Witherington (2004) examined mothers' behaviors when pretending to have a snack of imaginary Cheerios and juice with their 18-month-olds versus when really having such snacks. Many behavioral changes across pretend and real scenarios were discovered, and several were associated with people ages 4 to adult correctly identifying pretense acts as pretense (Richert & Lillard, 2004) and with 18-month-olds' smiling at and participating in pretense acts, potential indicators of understanding (Lillard, 2004).The experiments reported here extend that work in two directions. The first experiment addresses whether mothers vary their pretend behaviors as children become more competent Copyright © 2007 pretenders, from 15 to 24 months of age, and whether different maternal behaviors are associated with children appearing to understand pretending across this age range. The second experiment examined whether the findings replicate in a different pretend context, personal grooming, to know if the pretend "signs" mark all pretense or only pretend snacking. The results of the earlier Lillard and Witherington (2004) work are reviewed first.Past literature suggested smiling as a possible indicator of pretense (Kavanaugh & Engel, 1998;Piaget, 1962;Wellman & Hickling, 1993). Children and adults use smiling as an indicator of pretend fighting (Boulton, 1993), and nonhuman primates apparently indicate play fighting with the "play face" (Eibl-Eibesfeldt, 1989;van Hooff, 1972). Lillard and Witherington (2004) found that when mothers were pretending with 18-month-olds, they did smile more than when really having snacks, and their smiles lasted longer on average. In addition, Lillard and Witherington found that pretend smiles were frequently judged to be "about" the mothers' own actions, namely because they were placed just after those actions. A child could plausibly reference the mother's pretend smile as an indicat...
This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs License, which permits use and distribution in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, the use is non-commercial and no modifications or adaptations are made.
Mothers begin to pretend with their children during the second year, when children still have much to learn about the real world. Although it would be easy to confuse what is pretend with what is real, children at this young age often demonstrate comprehension during pretense situations. It is plausible that social referencing, in which the child uses the mother's emotional expression as a guide to behavior, might facilitate this emerging knowledge by signaling to the child not to take the pretend situation seriously. Data from 32 pairs of mothers and their 18-montholds who had engaged in pretend and real snack behaviors were subjected to a sequential analysis to investigate a social referencing interpretation. Consistent with our hypothesis, behaviors suggestive of a baby's understanding pretense were more likely to follow a specific combination of behaviors consistent with social referencing than other combinations of behaviors. These results provide support for the possibility that children use information obtained through social referencing to assist understanding during pretense interactions.
Background:The coronavirus disease 2019 pandemic is an ongoing global health crisis that has had a range of impacts on people living with migraine. Methods: Qualitative interviews performed as part of the Migraine Clinical OutcomeAssessment System project, a multi-stage Food and Drug Administration-grant funded program to develop a patient-centered core set of outcome measures for use in migraine clinical trials, offered an opportunity to explore the experience of living with migraine during the pandemic as well as to examine whether migraine treatment priorities, symptoms, and associated disability changed due to the pandemic. Semistructured interviews were conducted in the United States between the summer and fall of 2020 with 40 individuals with self-reported, medically diagnosed migraine who self-reported that they had not tested positive for or been diagnosed with COVID-19.Results: Seventy percent (n = 28) of the sample reported ≥1 pandemic-related impact on their life with migraine. Fourteen participants reported both positive and negative impacts, twelve reported negative impacts only, and two reported positive impacts only. Among those reporting ≥1 pandemic-related impact, nine participants (32%) reported more frequent and five (17%) reported less frequent migraine attacks.Other negative impacts included interrupted medical care (n = 9; 32%), and greater stress (n = 13; 46%). The most frequent positive impact reported was greater access to health care (n = 8; 29%). Ictal and interictal symptoms were not noted to change due to the pandemic, but some respondents reported less disability due to increased flexibility of schedules and reduced expectations. Treatment priorities did not change due to the pandemic. Conclusion:The global COVID-19 pandemic has resulted in both negative and positive impacts for people living with migraine. Lessons to be considered when moving into a post-pandemic world include benefits of and satisfaction with telehealth and the benefits and importance of healthy lifestyle habits and flexibility such as improved sleep, reduced stress, and fewer social expectations.
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