PurposeThis paper aims to chart the wide range of food scares reported throughout the EU over the period 1986‐2006 and explores their impact on EU policy.Design/methodology/approachThere is much extant research that solely investigates the occurrences of specific food scares, however; little emphasis is given to the responses of policy makers. This research aims to narrow this gap in the literature by reviewing the major food scares, which have occurred throughout the EU and the subsequent policy responses.FindingsA number of food scares have dominated media reports over the last two decades, but this study reveals the increasing emergence of rare serotypes of foodborne pathogens, as well as a rising trend of EU‐wide contaminant and animal disease‐related food scares. Simultaneously, there is evidence of evolution from a product‐focused food policy to a risk‐based policy, which has developed into a tentative EU consumer‐based food policy. Inevitably, in a market of 25 member‐states the concept of food quality varies between countries and therein justifies the need for responsive policy development, which embraces the single market philosophy.Research limitations/implicationsA typology of EU food scares is advanced and discussed in detail, with comments being made on their impact. In addition, the paper highlights the complexity of a EU consumer, which has led to a need for research into the maximisation of the satisfaction of purchasers by reinsuring their individual “right to choose”.Originality/valueThis paper provides a unique insight into a wide range of European food scares (e.g. microbiological, contaminants, animal disease‐related) and EU policy makers' responses to such food scares.
This article charts the major structural changes that have occurred in both UK brewing and pub retailing during the period 1989–2000. A key theme has been the rapid consolidation of the brewing sector in an attempt to achieve economies of scale in production, distribution and marketing. The dominance of the national brewers has allowed them to place increased product emphasis on marketing and me power of brands — particularly lager, me national breweries control all me major lager brands. In tandem with these brewers, me growth and dominance of me national pub chains has garnered apace over the past ten years and in order to maximise profit margins they have established supply arrangements with me national brewers; it has been in the interests of these chains to limit choice thereby maximising the discounts received from their suppliers. The article therefore shows that regional and local brewers cannot compete on price. Competition between pubs is also highlighted. Because beer prices are relatively inelastic, emphasis is placed on the level of amenities provided in pubs, and in particular the branding of pub outlets. Key among these amenities is the provision of food, which now accounts for a substantial percentage of total pub sales.
Runoff from typical urban and suburban landscapes may contain significant levels of nitrogen, phosphorus, and a broad spectrum of various pesticides (mainly herbicides and insecticides) due to excessive application rates of these chemicals and high irrigation requirements of most commonly used landscape plant species. Preliminary water quality data (runoff) from a comparative study of 20 microwatersheds using 4 different levels of maintenance, show reductions in these types of pollutants in runoff for microwatersheds planted to resource efficient plants. Utilization of plants indigenous to an ecoregion (and other resource efficient plants) in landscape design and management allows considerable reduction in inputs from fertilizer, water, and pesticides. This results in lower pollutant concentrations in runoff and is estimated to result in lower total pollutant loadings from such systems. Installation of native or resource efficient plants in new developments (commercial and residential) and replacement of existing landscapes with these plants as older plants die or neighborhoods are updated could provide cities and suburban areas with a cost-effective, low-maintenance, and aesthetically-pleasing pollution control technology. Data from the comparative study should provide municipalities charged with meeting the new requirements of the National Pollutant Elimination Discharge System with a way to compare the pollution prevention effectiveness of resource-efficient landscapes with more traditional structural urban runoff controls.
Marketing of public housesMarketing of UK public houses is a subject area that has gained little attention from service marketing academics. In addition, the few writers that discuss promotional aspects of the services marketing mix tend to rely on standard promotional theory (see, for example, Palmer, 1994). Those that explore the subject in a little more depth often refer to six guidelines that were put forward by George and Berry (1981) (e.g. Cowell, 1984;Lovelock, 1991). These guidelines can be regarded as a springboard into this study of Irish themed pubs.
This paper charts the history and development of Chilean wines. The incredible growth of Chile's wine output is a textbook example of how aggressive private enterprise can combine with enthusiastic government backing. In 1988, Chile shipped 185,630 hectolitres abroad. By 1998, this had grown to an impressive 2.3 million hl worth US$500 million. Equally, instead of sending 88% of its wine to Latin America, as it had in the 1980s, in 2001 it sold in high‐profit markets like Europe (41% of all exports), North America (34%) and, increasingly, Asia, where in 1998 Chile sold 14% of its wine. The only country spared from the devastating blight of phylloxera, Chile's wine industry boomed in the early years of the 20th century. In 1981, there were 100,000 hectares (one ha = 2.47 acres) under vines, which sank to 67,000 in 1985, the nadir of the industry. Then, a new sense of identity and purpose swept Chile's winemakers and investors. Suddenly, the wine revolution which had earlier had its impact on California and Australia caught on in Chile. There were gigantic investments in land, plantings and equipment. Old‐fashioned vines were uprooted. In the late 1990s, Cabernet Sauvignon doubled from 11,000 to 20,000 hectares. Merlot vineyard acreage quadrupled between 1994 and 1999, similar growth was seen with Chardonnay and Sauvignon blanc. Winemakers were also experimenting with Pinot Noir and with Shiraz, which loves the dry, hot Chilean autumn. Chile today has 75,600 hectares under vine about two‐thirds of them red grapes. That prime fruit is being pressed by the latest equipment from Europe, Australia and North America.
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