Previous studies have reported associations between childhood adversities, eg, loss of a parent, being raised in institutional care, sexual and other kinds of abuse by adults and bullying by peers, and psychosis in adulthood. However, the mechanisms by which these adversities lead to psychotic experiences are poorly understood. From models of the psychological processes involved in positive symptoms, it was predicted that childhood sexual abuse would be specifically associated with auditory hallucinations in adulthood, and that disruption of early attachment relations and more chronic forms of victimization such as bullying would be specifically associated with paranoid ideation. We therefore examined the associations between sexual trauma, physical abuse, bullying, and being brought up in institutional or local authority care and reports of auditory hallucinations and paranoid beliefs in the 2007 Adult Psychiatric Morbidity Survey. All simple associations between childhood adversities and the two symptom types were significant. Childhood rape was associated only with hallucinations (OR 8.9, CI = 1.86-42.44) once co-occurring paranoia was controlled for. Being brought up in institutional care (OR = 11.08, CI = 3.26-37.62) was specifically associated with paranoia once comorbid hallucinations had been controlled for. For each symptom, dose-response relationships were observed between the number of childhood traumas and the risk of the symptom. The specific associations observed are consistent with current psychological theories about the origins of hallucinations and paranoia. Further research is required to study the psychological and biological mediators of these associations.

We did a systematic review and meta-analysis to investigate the magnitude and specificity of the “jumping to conclusions” (JTC) bias in psychosis and delusions. We examined the extent to which people with psychosis, and people with delusions specifically, required less information before making decisions. We examined (1) the average amount of information required to make a decision and (2) numbers who demonstrated an extreme JTC bias, as assessed by the “beads task.” We compared people with psychosis to people with and without nonpsychotic mental health problems, and people with psychosis with and without delusions. We examined whether reduced data-gathering was associated with increased delusion severity. We identified 55 relevant studies, and acquired previously unpublished data from 16 authors. People with psychosis required significantly less information to make decisions than healthy individuals (k = 33, N = 1935, g = −0.53, 95% CI −0.69, −0.36) and those with nonpsychotic mental health problems (k = 13, N = 667, g = −0.58, 95% CI −0.80, −0.35). The odds of extreme responding in psychosis were between 4 and 6 times higher than the odds of extreme responding by healthy participants and participants with nonpsychotic mental health problems. The JTC bias was linked to a greater probability of delusion occurrence in psychosis (k = 14, N = 770, OR 1.52, 95% CI 1.12, 2.05). There was a trend-level inverse association between data-gathering and delusion severity (k = 18; N = 794; r = −.09, 95% CI −0.21, 0.03). Hence, nonaffective psychosis is characterized by a hasty decision-making style, which is linked to an increased probability of delusions.

Few studies have considered symptoms, underlying mechanisms and different kinds of adversity at the same time. Future research along these lines will have the potential to elucidate the mechanisms that lead to severe mental illness, and may have considerable clinical implications.

There are currently high levels of child poverty in the UK, and for the first time in almost two decades child poverty has started to rise in absolute terms. Child poverty is associated with a wide range of health-damaging impacts, negative educational outcomes and adverse long-term social and psychological outcomes. The poor health associated with child poverty limits children's potential and development, leading to poor health and life chances in adulthood. This article outlines some key definitions with regard to child poverty, reviews the links between child poverty and a range of health, developmental, behavioural and social outcomes for children, describes gaps in the evidence base and provides an overview of current policies relevant to child poverty in the UK. Finally, the article outlines how child health professionals can take action by (1) supporting policies to reduce child poverty, (2) providing services that reduce the health consequences of child poverty and (3) measuring and understanding the problem and assessing the impact of action.

Background Universal Credit, a welfare benefit reform in the UK, began to replace six existing benefit schemes in April, 2013, starting with the income-based Job Seekers Allowance. We aimed to determine the effects on mental health of the introduction of Universal Credit.Methods In this longitudinal controlled study, we linked 197 111 observations from 52 187 individuals of working age (16-64 years) in England, Wales, and Scotland who participated in the Understanding Society UK Longitudinal Household Panel Study between 2009 and 2018 with administrative data on the month when Universal Credit was introduced into the area in which each respondent lived. We included participants who had data on employment status, local authority area of residence, psychological distress, and confounding variables. We excluded individuals from Northern Ireland and people out of work with a disability. We used difference-in-differences analysis of this nationally representative, longitudinal, household survey and separated respondents into two groups: unemployed people who were eligible for Universal Credit (intervention group) and people who were not unemployed and therefore would not have generally been eligible for Universal Credit (comparison group). Using the phased roll-out of Universal Credit, we compared the change in psychological distress (self-reported via General Health Questionnaire-12) between the intervention group and the comparison group over time as the reform was introduced in the area in which each respondent lived. We defined clinically significant psychological distress as a score of greater than 3 on the General Health Questionnaire-12. We tested whether there were differential effects across subgroups (age, sex, and education). Findings The prevalence of psychological distress increased in the intervention group by 6•57 percentage points (95% CI 1•69-11•42) after the introduction of Universal Credit relative to the comparison group, after accounting for potential confounders. We estimate that between April 29, 2013, and Dec 31, 2018, an additional 63 674 (95% CI 10 042-117 307) unemployed people will have experienced levels of psychological distress that are clinically significant due to the introduction of Universal Credit; 21 760 of these individuals might reach the diagnostic threshold for depression.Interpretation Our findings suggest that the introduction of Universal Credit led to an increase in psychological distress, a measure of mental health difficulties, among those affected by the policy. Future changes to government welfare systems should be evaluated not only on a fiscal basis but on their potential to affect health and wellbeing.