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Implementing research-based curricula and instruction in inclusion-oriented schools is helped or hindered by having coherent models of service delivery accounting for the full range of student diversity. The current investigation offers data from 174 participants in 32 schools, analyzed using descriptive statistics, correlation, and hierarchical linear modeling (HLM). The findings offer replication of special education service delivery data from an earlier study, new descriptive data, and HLM analyses that identify special educator school density (the number of special educator full-time equivalents to total school population) and individual special educators' Individualized Education Program (IEP) caseload size as variables predictive of special educators' ratings of the conduciveness of their working conditions to providing effective special education for students on IEPs.

Spatial diagram representations such as hierarchies, matrices, and networks are important tools for thinking. Our data suggest that college students possess abstract schemas for these representations that include at least rudimentary information about their applicability conditions. In Experiment 1, subjects were better able to select the appropriate spatial diagram representation for a problem when cued to use general category information in memory about those representations than when cued to use specific example problems given during the experiment. The results of Experiment 2 showed that the superior performance in the general category condition was not based on a comparison of the test problems with examples in memory. The results of Experiment 3 showed that the superior performance was not due to learning that occurred during the experiment or to transfer appropriate processing. The General Discussion section considers the nature of students' representation schemas and the question of why college students have only rudimentary schemas for common and widely applicable diagrammatic representations.

BACKGROUND: Gay men have become fathers in the context of a heterosexual relationship, by adoption, by donating sperm to 1 or 2 lesbian women and subsequently sharing parenting responsibilities, and/or by engaging the services of a surrogate pregnancy carrier. Despite legal, medical, and social advances, gay fathers and their children continue to experience stigma and avoid situations because of fear of stigma. Increasing evidence reveals that stigma is associated with reduced well-being of children and adults, including psychiatric symptoms and suicidality. METHODS:Men throughout the United States who identified as gay and fathers completed an online survey. Dissemination of the survey was enhanced via a "snowball" method, yielding 732 complete responses from 47 states. The survey asked how the respondent had become a father, whether he had encountered barriers, and whether he and his child(ren) had experienced stigma in various social contexts. RESULTS:Gay men are increasingly becoming fathers via adoption and with assistance of an unrelated pregnancy carrier. Their pathways to fatherhood vary with socioeconomic class and the extent of legal protections in their state. Respondents reported barriers to becoming a father and stigma associated with fatherhood in multiple social contexts, most often in religious institutions. Fewer barriers and less stigma were experienced by fathers living in states with more legal protections. CONCLUSIONS:Despite growing acceptance of parenting by same-gender adults, barriers and stigma persist. States' legal and social protections for lesbian and gay individuals and families appear to be effective in reducing experiences of stigma for gay fathers. abstract

Parents raising youth in high-risk communities at times rely on active, involved monitoring strategies in order to increase both knowledge about youth activities and the likelihood that adolescents will abstain from problem behavior. Key monitoring literature suggests that some of these active monitoring strategies predict increases in adolescent problem behavior rather than protect against it. However, this literature has studied racially homogenous, low-risk samples, raising questions about generalizability. With a diverse sample of youth (N = 753; 58% male; 46% Black) and families living in high-risk neighborhoods, bidirectional longitudinal relations were examined among three aspects of monitoring (parental discussions of daily activities, parental curfew rules, and adolescent communication with parents), parental knowledge, and youth delinquency. Parental discussion of daily activities was the strongest predictor of parental knowledge, which negatively predicted delinquency. However, these aspects of monitoring did not predict later delinquency. Findings were consistent across gender and race/urbanicity. Results highlight the importance of active and involved parental monitoring strategies in contexts where they are most needed.

This article reports on analyses examining contextual influences on parenting with an ethnically and geographically diverse sample of parents (predominantly mothers) raising 387 children (49% ethnic minority; 51% male) in high-risk communities. Parents and children were followed longitudinally from first through tenth grades. Contextual influences included geographical location, neighborhood risk, SES, and family stress. The cultural variable was racial socialization. Parenting constructs created through the consensus decision-making of the Parenting Subgroup of the Study Group on Race, Culture, and Ethnicity (see Le et al., 2008) included Monitoring, Communication, Warmth, Behavioral Control and Parenting Efficacy. Hierarchical regressions on each parenting construct were conducted for each grade for which data were available. Analyses tested for initial ethnic differences and then for remaining ethnic differences once contextual influences were controlled. For each construct, some ethnic differences did remain (Monitoring, ninth grade; Warmth, third grade; Communication, kindergarten; Behavioral Control, eighth grade; and Parenting Efficacy, kindergarten through fifth grade). Ethnic differences were explained by contextual differences in the remaining years. Analyses examining the impact of cultural influences revealed a negative relation between racial socialization messages and Communication or Monitoring. (CPPRG, 1992) positing multiple influences-neighborhood risk, problematic parenting, chaotic classroom settings, and antisocial peers-that converge during the course of development to promote an escalation of problem behaviors that culminate in deviant and risky adolescent behaviors. The randomized clinical trial featured the ten-year delivery of a comprehensive multicomponent intervention to three successive cohorts of children recruited from high risk communities and selected for high levels of behavioral risk when entering first grade (CPPRG, 2004).A second goal of Fast Track was to examine the normative development among a group of children with varying problems who grow up in high-risk communities. This latter sample of African American and European American families was the focus of analyses reported here. These analyses were conducted as part of the collaborative project on ethnic differences, cultural processes, and parenting outcomes (Le et al., this issue) in which common analyses were conducted on consensually derived constructs with different datasets. With this sample, the following questions were addressed: 1) Are there ethnic differences in parenting that remain when contextual variables are controlled? and 2) When ethnic differences remain, do cultural processes predict parenting outcomes? METHOD ParticipantsThe participants in Fast Track were recruited in four sites in the United States: Durham, North Carolina (N = 100), Nashville, Tennessee (N = 100), rural central Pennsylvania (N = 100), and Seattle, Washington (N = 87). Within each of the four sites, schools serving communi...

An online survey was distributed via snowball sampling and resulted in responses from 61 gay fathers raising children in 2 states. Fathers reported on the barriers they experienced and the pathways they took to becoming parents. They reported also on experiences of stigma directed at them and their children, especially from family members, friends, and people in religious institutions. Despite these difficulties they reported that they engaged actively in parenting activities and that their child(ren)'s well-being was consistent with national samples.

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