Which factors determine the choice of a plural allomorph for a new singular form? Are regular mappings stored differently from irregular mappings? Do native speakers only rely on analogical mappings to inflect novel word forms or do they use rules? To answer these questions we used data from Maltese, a language with a split morphology, which has a rich and variable set of concatenative and non-concatenative plural patterns.We conducted a production experiment, in which we investigated the mapping of a singular onto a plural. We show that this is driven by an interplay between the similarity of novel singular forms with existing singular words and their corresponding plural forms. Moreover, knowledge of the frequency of the plural patterns in the mental lexicon serves as a basis for generalization to novel words. Our results support an analogical model of morphological processing. We do not find evidence that native speakers use default rules.

Word-based models of morphology propose that complex words are stored without reference to morphemes. One of the questions that arises is whether information about word forms alone is enough to determine a noun's number from its form. We take up this question by modelling the classification and production of the Maltese noun plural system, using models that do not assume morphemic representations. We use the Tilburg Memory-Based Learner, a computational implementation of exemplar theory and the Naive Discriminative Learner, an implementation of Word and Paradigm, for classification. Both models classify Maltese nouns well. In their current implementations, TiMBL and NDL cannot concatenate sequences of phones that result in word forms. We used two neural networks architectures (LSTM and GRU) to model the production of plurals. We conclude that the Maltese noun plural system can be modelled on the basis of whole words without morphemes, supporting word-based models of morphology.

We discuss what factors influence the acquisition of morphophonemic alternations. What mechanisms are available to the learner; what is the basis for grammatical generalizations? Using the Artificial Language Paradigm we compared the acquisition of three alternations differing in phonetic substance, locality, and amount of exposure: one alternation was substantively based and structurally l ocal, another one was structurally local but not substantively based, and the last alternation was neither substantively based nor structurally local. Within each alternation we exposed the experimental groups to a greater or smaller number of instances. Results show a clear advantage for the substantively based alternation during acquisition. In addition, the local dependency has an advantage over the non-local one and alternations that are presented frequently have an advantage over those that are presented infrequently. We show that all three factors influence the acquisition of morphophonemic alternations, but they do so to a different d egree. Phonetic substance causes the strongest boost in the acquisition process and builds on locality, which also plays a role, and amount of exposure influences the acquisition process independent of the nature of the alternation. We argue that acquisition models should take the interaction of these factors into account.

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Using the artificial language paradigm, we studied the acquisition of morphophonemic alternations with exceptions by 160 German adult learners. We tested the acquisition of two types of alternations in two regularity conditions while additionally varying length of training. In the first alternation, a vowel harmony, backness of the stem vowel determines backness of the suffix. This process is grounded in substance (phonetic motivation), and this universal phonetic factor bolsters learning a generalization. In the second alternation, tenseness of the stem vowel determines backness of the suffix vowel. This process is not based in substance, but it reflects a phonotactic property of German and our participants benefit from this language-specific factor. We found that learners use both cues, while substantive bias surfaces mainly in the most unstable situation. We show that language-specific and universal factors interact in learning.

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German nouns may alternate from singular to plural in two different ways. Some singular forms that end in a voiceless obstruent have a plural in which this obstruent is voiced. Another alternation concerns the vowel. Some singular forms with a back vowel have a plural form in which this back vowel is front. For each noun it has to be established individually whether it alternates or not. The voicing alternation is phonetically grounded, but the vowel alternation is not. Knowledge about such alternations involves two things. First, it involves knowledge of which words alternate and which words do not and second, it involves the ability to extend the alternations to novel words. We studied the knowledge of which words alternate and the proportion to which they alternate in two corpus studies. We studied the knowledge of speakers concerning which words alternate and what generalizations can be based upon these words by means of a production study. The production study involved words and nonces. We asked twenty 5 year-olds, twenty 7 year-olds, and ten adults to produce the plural for a given singular word and a plural for a given singular nonce. In the corpus study we found that both alternations occur with the same frequency. In the production of alternations in words we found that participants in all age groups make few mistakes. With respect to the production of alternations in nonce words, we found that the proportion of voicing alternations decreases with age, while the proportion of vowel alternations increases. We explain this change in the ability to generalize the alternations to nonces on the basis of the confidence speakers can have in a generalization. Young children have a small lexicon and they can form relatively unreliable generalizations on lexical distributions. They are, however, proficient users of language and have great phonetic experience. They can more confidently form generalizations on the basis of this experience. Adults have a large lexicon and, as a consequence, they can confidently form generalizations based on their lexicon. In addition, they know that many alternations are not based on phonetic considerations.

Word processing at 19 months and its relation to language performance at 30 months: A retrospective analysis of data from German learning children U n i v e r s i t ä t P o t s d a m Abstract Recent research has shown that the early lexical representations children establish in their second year of life already seem to be phonologically detailed enough to allow differentiation from very similar forms. In contrast to these findings children with specific language impairment show problems in discriminating phonologically similar word forms up to school age. In our study we investigated the question whether there would be differences in the processing of phonological details in normally developing and in children with low language performance in the second year of life. This was done by a retrospective study in which in the processing of phonological details was tested by a preferential looking experiment when the children were 19 months old. At the age of 30 months children were tested with a standardized German test of language comprehension and production (SETK2). The preferential looking data at 19 months revealed an opposite reaction pattern for the two groups: while the children scoring normally in the SETK2 increase their fixations of a pictured object only when it was named with the correct word, children with later low language performance did so only when presented with a phonologically slightly deviant mispronunciation. We suggest that this pattern does not point to a specific deficit in processing phonological information in these children but might be related to an instability of early phonological representations, and/or a generalized problem of information processing as compared to typically developing children.