Although much has been written about the Jewish proclivity toward liberalism, little has been written about elites who are Jewish. This article extensively compares American elites, both Jewish and non-Jewish, on a wide variety of social, economic, and political attitudes. Jewish elites are found to be consistently more liberal than their non-Jewish counterparts on four different measures of liberalism. We find small differences between religiously liberal and religiously conservative Jews. The differences between Jewish and non-Jewish elites persisted after controlling for a number of background variables including current occupation. These results are explained as a result of Jewish socialization into a tradition of marginality which has persisted despite changing conditions. This conclusion is supported by showing that parental ideology can partially predict respondents' ideological views.
For St. Augustine the saeculum—the sum total of earthly human existence — was malignant. Not only was it so, he thought, since Adam's fall, but it would remain so until the Last Judgment. Since the Fall this world was no place in which to rejoice; only otherworldly liberation could be had ‘from this life of misery, a kind of hell on earth.’ Historical events, aside from the Incarnation, remained for Augustine ‘a chaos of human sin divided by acts of divine power.’ With Christ, history had entered into its sixth and last earthly age and there was no hope for any greater earthly future. In the City of God (20.7) Augustine rejected as a ‘ridiculous fable’ the view that the thousand-year kingdom of Christ in Revelation (20.1-6) would be a future earthly kingdom, interpreting it instead as a figure for the life of the Church in the present. ‘There are no verbs of historical movement in the City of God,’ Peter Brown assures us, ‘no sense of progress to aims that may be achieved in history.’
This review summarizes the literature related to agricultural wastes published during 2009. The review is divided into the following sections: waste characterization, waste management and pollution minimization, waste treatment, and waste recycle and reuse.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.. The MIT Press and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the editors of The Journal of Interdisciplinary History are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of Interdisciplinary History. REVIEWS 659 stimulates; but, unlike the first book, it is itself a sign of the past. It is the most recent book of the I968 revolution, of the merger between the anti-ideological positions of the I96os and the recent ideologies of feminism and the antinuclear movement.A century after the publication of Lea's History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, Moore implicitly intends to resuscitate the liberal historiography of medieval intolerance by proposing, with the aid of socialscience theory, that persecution of deviance was introduced systematically into high-medieval society by concerted acts of state.1 Moore's aim is not to indulge in liberal judgmentalism but to counter the currently reigning historicist view that high-medieval persecution was inevitable, either because medieval society always regarded assaults on deviance as normal, or because particularly intense high-medieval religiosity made orderly inquisitorial procedures the only practical alternative to the outrages of fanatical lynch mobs.Moore begins by arguing that medieval Western Europe was not inclined toward persecution before the year oo000 but became a "persecuting society" during the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and especially during the years between c. II60 and 1215. Not only were heretics and Jews first systematically persecuted then, but so were lepers. Presuming that the simultaneity of concerted action against these three groups cannot be dismissed as coincidental, Moore then endeavors to demonstrate that the new zeal for persecution arose not from mass hysteria but from "decisions of princes and prelates" (123). Finally, he proposes to make sense of this development by treating it as a product of Europe's twelfth-century transformation from "segmentary to state society" (I 5). In accordance with a theoretical analysis taken in part from Emile Durkheim and in part from Max Weber, Moore builds to the conclusion that social stresses inherent in the twelfth-century commercial and governmental revolutions made persecuting policies necessary as they had never been before. With Durkheim, he believes that "the purpose of defining individuals or groups as deviant [that is, persecuting them] is to reinforce the unity of the rest" (Io6-Io7). But he diverges from Durkheim in denying that society at large defines deviance; rather, with Weber, he believes that the ruthless forging of "a superior community of faith"-in twelfth-century Europe as in Weber's classical China-REVIEWS 659
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