Conceptualizing and operationalizing American Indian populations is challenging. Each census for decades has seen the American Indian population increase substantially more than expected, with indirect and qualitative evidence that this is due to changes in individuals' race responses. We apply uniquely suited (but not nationally representative) linked data from the 2000 and 2010 decennial censuses (N= 3.1 million) and the 2006–2010 American Community Survey (N = 188,131) to address three research questions. First, to what extent do American Indian people have different race responses across data sources? We find considerable race response change, especially among multiple-race and/or Hispanic American Indians. Second, how are people who change responses different from or similar to those who do not? We find three sets of American Indians: those who (1) had the same race and Hispanic responses in 2000 and 2010, (2) moved between single-race and multiple-race American Indian responses, and (3) added or dropped the American Indian response, thus joining or leaving the enumerated American Indian population. People in groups (1) and (2) were relatively likely to report a tribe, live in an American Indian area, report American Indian ancestry, and live in the West. Third, how are people who join a group different from or similar to those who leave it? Multivariate models show general similarity between joiners and leavers in group (1) and in group (2). Population turnover is hidden in cross-sectional comparisons; people joining each subpopulation of American Indians are similar in number and characteristics to those who leave it.
Each census for decades has seen the American Indian and Alaska Native population increase substantially more than expected. Changes in racial reporting seem to play an important role in the observed net increases, though research has been hampered by data limitations. We address previously unanswerable questions about race response change among American Indian and Alaska Natives (hereafter “American Indians”) using uniquely-suited (but not nationally representative) linked data from the 2000 and 2010 decennial censuses (N = 3.1 million) and the 2006-2010 American Community Survey (N = 188,131). To what extent do people change responses to include or exclude American Indian? How are people who change responses similar to or different from those who do not? How are people who join a group similar to or different from those who leave it? We find considerable race response change by people in our data, especially by multiple-race and/or Hispanic American Indians. This turnover is hidden in cross-sectional comparisons because people joining the group are similar in number and characteristics to those who leave the group. People in our data who changed their race response to add or drop American Indian differ from those who kept the same race response in 2000 and 2010 and from those who moved between a single-race and multiple-race American Indian response. Those who consistently reported American Indian (including those who added or dropped another race response) were relatively likely to report a tribe, live in an American Indian area, report American Indian ancestry, and live in the West. There are significant differences between those who joined and those who left a specific American Indian response group, but poor model fit indicates general similarity between joiners and leavers. Response changes should be considered when conceptualizing and operationalizing “the American Indian and Alaska Native population.”
Race and Hispanic origin data are required to produce official statistics in the United States. Data collected through the American Community Survey and decennial census address missing data through traditional imputation methods, often relying on information from neighbors. These methods work well if neighbors share similar characteristics, however, the shape and patterns of neighborhoods in the United States are changing. Administrative records may provide more accurate data compared to traditional imputation methods for missing race and Hispanic origin responses. This paper first describes the characteristics of persons with missing demographic data, then assesses the coverage of administrative records data for respondents who do not answer race and Hispanic origin questions in Census data. The paper also discusses the distributional impact of using administrative records race and Hispanic origin data to complete missing responses in a decennial census or survey context.
Compared with other racial/ethnic groups, American Indians and Alaska Natives (AIANs) have higher uninsured rates and worse health outcomes. Using data from the 2010-2014 American Community Survey, we employ logistic regression techniques to assess the characteristics associated with Indian Health Service (IHS) coverage among working-age AIANs who have health insurance or are uninsured. Across all insurance categories, geographic residence is a factor in IHS coverage. Among the uninsured, those with and without IHS coverage are more dissimilar than similar across socioeconomic characteristics. When controlling for confounding characteristics, people who are uninsured or have Medicaid have a much higher IHS coverage rate compared with those with employer-sponsored insurance. This indicates IHS coverage is an important component for the uninsured and it complements Medicaid services. This work identifies a need for increased outreach to eligible AIANs about IHS programs, particularly those without comprehensive care.
Using administrative records data from federal government agencies and commercial sources,the 2010 ACS Match Study measures administrative records coverage of 2010 ACS addresses,persons, and persons at addresses at different levels of geography as well as by demographiccharacteristics and response mode. The 2010 ACS Match Study represents a continuation of theresearch undertaken in the 2010 Census Match Study, the first national‐level evaluation ofadministrative records data coverage.Preliminary results indicate that administrative records provide substantial coverage foraddresses and persons in the 2010 ACS (92.7 and 92.1 percent respectively), and less extensivethough substantial coverage, for person‐address pairs (74.3 percent). In addition, somevariation in address, person and/or person‐address coverage is found across demographic andresponse mode groups. This research informs future uses of administrative records in surveyand decennial census operations to address the increasing costs of data collection and decliningresponse rates.
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