Exploring Administrative Records Use for Race and Hispanic Origin Item Non-Response

Rastogi, Sonya; Fernández, Leticia; Noon, James; Zapata, Ellen; Bhaskar, Renuka

doi:10.31235/osf.io/z8a62

Cited by 8 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 6 publications

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“…Because Hispanics have a relatively low response rate to the race question (Rios et al 2014), they were disproportionately excluded. Women have slightly higher response rates than men (Rastogi et al 2014), a difference which is magnified when data sources are linked. Using address when assigning a PIK favors people who move less often, thus reducing the PIK rates for men ages 20 to 50 (Rastogi and O'Hara 2012).…”

Section: Prior Researchmentioning

confidence: 96%

Joining, Leaving, and Staying in the American Indian/Alaska Native Race Category Between 2000 and 2010

2016

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Conceptualizing and operationalizing American Indian populations is challenging. Each census for decades has seen the American Indian population increase substantially more than expected, with indirect and qualitative evidence that this is due to changes in individuals' race responses. We apply uniquely suited (but not nationally representative) linked data from the 2000 and 2010 decennial censuses (N= 3.1 million) and the 2006–2010 American Community Survey (N = 188,131) to address three research questions. First, to what extent do American Indian people have different race responses across data sources? We find considerable race response change, especially among multiple-race and/or Hispanic American Indians. Second, how are people who change responses different from or similar to those who do not? We find three sets of American Indians: those who (1) had the same race and Hispanic responses in 2000 and 2010, (2) moved between single-race and multiple-race American Indian responses, and (3) added or dropped the American Indian response, thus joining or leaving the enumerated American Indian population. People in groups (1) and (2) were relatively likely to report a tribe, live in an American Indian area, report American Indian ancestry, and live in the West. Third, how are people who join a group different from or similar to those who leave it? Multivariate models show general similarity between joiners and leavers in group (1) and in group (2). Population turnover is hidden in cross-sectional comparisons; people joining each subpopulation of American Indians are similar in number and characteristics to those who leave it.

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Section: Prior Researchmentioning

confidence: 96%

Joining, Leaving, and Staying in the American Indian/Alaska Native Race Category Between 2000 and 2010

2016

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“…An alternate strategy for gathering information about non-responding households is to use household-provided information gathered in a prior census data or from administrative records (Bhaskar et al 2014;Rastogi et al 2014) when available. This strategy was used in the 2010 Census with prior census data (Rothhaas et al 2012) and is being explored for more extensive use in the 2020 Census (Vitrano and Chapin 2012).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

An outside view: What do observers say about others’ races and Hispanic origins?

Rastogi¹,

Liebler²,

Noon³

2017

Preprint

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Outsiders’ views of a person’s race or Hispanic origin can impact how she sees herself, how she reports her race and Hispanic origins, and her social and economic experiences. The way outsiders describe non-strangers in terms of their race and Hispanic origin may reveal popular assumptions about which race/Hispanic categories are salient for Americans, which kinds of people are seen as multiracial, and the types of cues people use when identifying another person’s race. We study patterns of observer identification using a unique, large, linked data source with two measures of a person’s race and Hispanic origin. One measure (from Census 2000 or the 2010 Census) was provided by a household respondent and the other (from the other census year) was provided by a census proxy reporter (e.g., a neighbor) who responded on behalf of a non-responsive household. We ask: Does an outsider’s report of a person’s race and Hispanic origin match a household report? We find that in about 90% of our 3.7 million (nonrepresentative) cases, proxy reports of a person’s race and Hispanic origin match responses given by the household in a different census year. Match rates are high for the largest groups: non-Hispanic whites, blacks, and Asians and for Hispanics, though proxies are not very able to replicate the race responses of Hispanics. Matches are much less common for people in smaller groups (American Indian/Alaska Native, Pacific Islander, Some Other Race, and multiracial). We also ask: What predicts a matched response and what predicts a particular unmatched response? We find evidence of the persistence of hypodescent for blacks and hyperdescent for American Indians. Biracial Asian-whites and Pacific Islander-whites are more often seen by others as non-Hispanic white than as people of color. Proxy reporters tend to identify children as multiple race and elders as single race, whether they are or not. The race/Hispanic composition of the tract is more powerfully predictive of a particular unmatched response than are tract-level measures of socioeconomic status; unmatched responses are often consistent with the race/Hispanic characteristics of the neighborhood.

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“…Our sample selection criteria require that gender match across all three data sources. There are more women than men in all subgroups in our data, probably due to gender differences in item non-response rates (c.f., Rastogi et al 2014 about their English ability. We coded this dichotomously as (a) speaks English only, speaks it "very well," or is age 4, or (b) speaks English "well" "not well" or "not at all.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Dynamics of Race: Joining, Leaving, and Staying in the American Indian/Alaska Native Race Category between 2000 and 2010

LIEBLER¹,

Bhaskar²,

Rastogi³

2017

Preprint

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Each census for decades has seen the American Indian and Alaska Native population increase substantially more than expected. Changes in racial reporting seem to play an important role in the observed net increases, though research has been hampered by data limitations. We address previously unanswerable questions about race response change among American Indian and Alaska Natives (hereafter “American Indians”) using uniquely-suited (but not nationally representative) linked data from the 2000 and 2010 decennial censuses (N = 3.1 million) and the 2006-2010 American Community Survey (N = 188,131). To what extent do people change responses to include or exclude American Indian? How are people who change responses similar to or different from those who do not? How are people who join a group similar to or different from those who leave it? We find considerable race response change by people in our data, especially by multiple-race and/or Hispanic American Indians. This turnover is hidden in cross-sectional comparisons because people joining the group are similar in number and characteristics to those who leave the group. People in our data who changed their race response to add or drop American Indian differ from those who kept the same race response in 2000 and 2010 and from those who moved between a single-race and multiple-race American Indian response. Those who consistently reported American Indian (including those who added or dropped another race response) were relatively likely to report a tribe, live in an American Indian area, report American Indian ancestry, and live in the West. There are significant differences between those who joined and those who left a specific American Indian response group, but poor model fit indicates general similarity between joiners and leavers. Response changes should be considered when conceptualizing and operationalizing “the American Indian and Alaska Native population.”

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Exploring Administrative Records Use for Race and Hispanic Origin Item Non-Response

Cited by 8 publications

References 6 publications

Joining, Leaving, and Staying in the American Indian/Alaska Native Race Category Between 2000 and 2010

Joining, Leaving, and Staying in the American Indian/Alaska Native Race Category Between 2000 and 2010

An outside view: What do observers say about others’ races and Hispanic origins?

Dynamics of Race: Joining, Leaving, and Staying in the American Indian/Alaska Native Race Category between 2000 and 2010

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