to determine whether phonological variables are a potential resource for the expression of political identity, this article examines the second vowel of Iraq. in addition to being part of a politically significant place-name, Iraq is particularly wellsuited to index political identity due in part to the ideological association between the "foreign (a)" variable with correctness and educatedness in u.S. english (boberg 1997). Specifically, Iraq's second vowel appears to index political conservatism when produced as /á/ and political liberalism when produced as /a:/. results from an analysis of the u.S. House of representatives show that republicans are significantly more likely than Democrats to use /á/, even controlling for regional accent.
A B S T R A C T'Sweet voice', a distinctive Japanese vocal style, illustrates the role played by voice quality as a marker of authenticity in the construction of linguistic styles. The acoustic properties and sociopragmatic functions of sweet voice, as performed by professional voice actresses, are analyzed using data from anime programs, paraphernalia, and fan discourse. Sweet voice is shown to be connected to a traditional notion of Japanese femininity, and licenses the positive use of grammatical features of Japanese Women's Language. The mature, traditional image conveyed by sweet voice contrasts with the youthful cuteness of burikko and related vocal styles, illustrating that multiple notions of femininity operate within Japanese popular culture. The interplay of voice quality and grammatical features suggests that perceptions of conscious control at different levels of language play a crucial role in social meaning. (Voice quality, Japanese, language and gender, style, authenticity)* I N T R O D U C T I O NAs observed by Lise Skov and Brian Moeran in Women, media, and consumption in Japan, Japanese public life is saturated with female voices.
The multiethnic population of Singapore speaks a wide variety of languages, only four of which hold official status. We consider sociolinguistic issues that arise in connection with Singapore's Mother Tongue (MT) education policy, in which children are assigned a course of language study based on their racial heritage. A survey of Singaporeans from various backgrounds indicates that those of mixed and/or minority heritage do not identify strongly with their assigned MT. Respondents of Chinese heritage differ considerably in their attitudes by ethnolinguistic background; overall, they show more ambivalence towards their assigned MT than respondents of Malay and Indian heritage. Our findings reflect the legacies of Singapore's government language campaigns, as well as a growing enthusiasm among Singaporeans for languages that index distinctive regional ethnic identities.
Children acquiring sociolinguistic knowledge in transnational migration settings must learn to evaluate multiple languages and dialects in a fluid, multifaceted social landscape. This study examines the sociolinguistic development of local and expatriate children in Singapore and investigates the extent to which they share sociolinguistic knowledge and norms. One hundred fourteen children ages five to nineteen completed a region identification task and an occupation judgment task, focusing on their perception of four regional English varieties: Australian English, Northern-China-accented English, Filipino English, and Singapore English. While all groups performed well on the region identification task, expatriate children outperformed locals within the youngest age group. Singaporean and expatriate children attending local schools showed greater familiarity with local norms than international school students in their occupation ratings. Participants mapped speakers to occupations by general prestige level, suggesting that children rely on indirect knowledge of social status rather than direct experience with speakers in their development of sociolinguistic evaluation. (Children's sociolinguistic development, transnational migration, language attitudes)*
Singapore's multiethnic population has historically been found to differ in their use of a range of English features. As English continues to eclipse the country's other languages, it gains potential as a site for the performance of ethnic identity. At the same time, English‐dominant Singaporeans may be less likely to use features perceived as resulting from non‐native transfer. Integration policies and transnational migration have also arguably reduced the salience of ethnicity in the local sociolinguistic landscape. This study investigates a feature linked to Indian identity, tapped and trilled prevocalic /r/, in the speech of 30 Tamil Singaporeans. A significant change in apparent time is observed, with younger speakers using almost entirely approximant /r/. Variation in /r/ also correlates with home language, cultural context, and phonological environment. We argue that, while non‐approximant /r/ is becoming rarer among Tamil Singaporeans, it continues to serve as a means of indexing Indianness.
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