Throughout periods of political instability and economic adversity – from Dutch colonial rule, through President Suharto's period in office, to more recent times – ethnic Chinese in Indonesia have been recurrent scapegoats for violence. Suharto, especially, manipulated local perceptions of the Chinese in the economic and political arenas, to suit the needs of his government. Yet, circumstances have changed since the 1998 riots in Indonesia and Suharto's departure. Subsequent presidents have introduced legislation aimed at reducing legal restrictions on Chinese Indonesians and they, in turn, are beginning to have greater public voice through a diversity of outlets. These include the growth of numerous new print and television media; a flourishing literature sphere; the rise of a variety of political parties, both ethnicity‐based and more wide‐ranging; and the development of non‐political organisations, some tackling discrimination and others focusing upon Chinese sociocultural needs. These channels are facilitating the appearance of new and re‐emerging ethnic Chinese identities, some surfacing from over 30 years of imposed dormancy. This paper is a preliminary investigation of manifestations of these identities among ethnic Chinese in Indonesia's contemporary public realm.

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This article explores the preservation of humour in the Indonesian translation of Harry Potter and the Sorcerer's Stone. Through the use of questionnaires completed by young readers aged 12-15 years old, we examine whether passages in the novel that are deemed humorous in the English original are also perceived as such by Indonesian readers. Our findings reveal the complexity of translating linguistic and culturally-specific humour in a novel. We conclude that the Indonesian translator of Harry Potter and the Sorcerer's Stone adopted an interpretativecommunicative method of translation. In doing so, some compromises were made, particularly, through simplification, which frequently resulted in humour loss.

Much has been written about discourses of kebalian or 'Balineseness'. Most such commentaries have focused on the nexus between religion, adat (custom), culture and tourism. Picard (1999: 21), for example, suggests that Balinese identity 'is the outcome of a process of semantic borrowing and conceptual recasting' that the Balinese have had to make 'in response to the colonization, the Indonesianization and the touristification of their island'. Vickers (1989) devotes about a third of his groundbreaking book on the 'creation' of Bali to the idea of image-making in and of Bali, not only by Europeans but also by the Balinese themselves.1 From colonial times through Suharto's New Order (1966-98) to post-Suharto reformasi, a consistent Balinese response to the 'colonization, Indonesianization and touristification' alluded to by Picard has been the development of strategies to defend the island from socalled external 'bad influences'. Traditional values have been drawn upon at critical moments, the rationale being that the revivification of old principles will restore balance and order. It is a process referred to by some as the 'retreat into ritual' (Couteau 2003). The reconstruction of the past is thus a time-honoured practice in Bali. Bali, who aimed to build a Balinese identity deemed suitable to be part of the Republic of Indonesia. He adopted a 'return to roots' approach that advocated a strengthening of Balinese religion by looking back to its Indian origins, and at the same time presented Balinese Hinduism to the world as a part of international Hinduism (Vickers 1989: 212). His politics made a great contribution to shaping the social and economic structure of the island as we now know it.The Kuta bombings of 12 October 2002 represented a defining moment for many Balinese. The media made much of the event as an important moment for Balinese to reflect on themselves: they must have done something very wrong to cause such a terrible calamity, bringing destruction and imbalance to the island. In such an atmosphere of desperation and uncertainty about the future, the only safe anchor is perceived to be the past, a past of traditional Hindu values based on culture and religion and which is able to re-establish the harmonious order in which mankind is One with the rest of the universe. Ajeg BaliA prominent feature of this post-bomb discourse on culture, religion and traditional values has been repeated allusions to and praise for the idea of ajeg, a phenomenon seen by some to be part of the revivification process alluded to above. The problem is that there is no consensus - Ajeg is the sacredness of Bali…Established right from the beginning, the foundation of that sacredness is connected to ancient literature, to the orientation: orientation towards the mountain and orientation towards the sea… to the environment… That's the key to Bali, in the past and also in the future.Wayan Sunarta (poet/artist/writer): Konsepnya sebenarnya dilontarkan oleh Bali Post...yang merasa kewajiban untuk menjaga Bali. Tapi sebenarnya ko...

Background: To evaluate the visual outcomes of femtosecond laser-assisted cataract surgery (LCS) compared with phacoemulsification cataract surgery (PCS) in patients undergoing Toric IOL insertion.

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Since the fall of Suharto a number of Chinese Indonesian writers have begun to write as Chinese Indonesians, some using their Chinese names, some writing in Mandarin. New literary activities include the gathering, publishing and translating (from Mandarin) of short stories and poetry by Chinese Indonesians. Pribumi Indonesians too have privileged Chinese ethnicity in their works in new and compelling ways. To date, little of this new Chinese Indonesian literary activity has been documented or evaluated in English. This paper begins to fill that gap by examining the ways in which recent literary works by and about Chinese Indonesians give expression to their ethnic identity.