The question is posed: is a coherent theory of islandness – nissology – possible? Faultlines within constructions of islands and islandness are noted. Some of these axes of contestation have remained latent but have the potential to be sharply divisive. Three of the identified faultlines are examined – the nature of the island ‘edge’, the import for questions of island memory and identity of massive inward and outward movements of people, and the appropriation of island ‘realness’ by those for whom ‘island’ best functions as metaphor. A case is made for the excision of the latter from the purview of island studies. Despite apparent irreconcilability within island studies’ emerging faultlines, it is argued that place theory does constitute a theoretical framing that can work for island studies. Following a brief overview of the faultlines that also exist within place studies, it is noted that the difference-respecting and identity focused nature of phenomenology of place is particularly apposite for island studies, and the paper concludes with a consideration of what a phenomenology of islands might look like.
It is argued that there are significant differences between green electoral politics in Europe and green developments in the affluent non‐European west, and that these are such that, despite the greater political formalization of the green movement in Western Europe, there is a sense in which North American and Antipodean developments are ultimately more fundamental than those that have occurred in Europe. Loosely adopting explanatory categories employed by Rudig and Lowe in a Political Studies article, we examine evidence under four sub‐heads: electoral thresholds; the historical legacy of the environment movement; the different contextual roles played by the anti‐nuclear movement and wilderness experience, and ecology, Marxism and the new left.
An under‐recognised cohort within Tasmania's forest communities is identified, one that shares the social and cultural background of Timber Communities Australia's constituency, but holding deeply antipathetic views toward current forest regimes. Deploying ethnographic data gathered in the upper North Esk country in Tasmania's North‐Eastern Tiers, where this cohort seems to predominate, the elements of a deep attachment to place are explicated: these include a desire to return to a past local economy based upon small but labour‐intensive sawmills with viable satellite hamlets, and a concern for water quality, for the integrity of forest ecosystems, and for the wellbeing of individual plant and animal species therein. Overwhelmed by a sense of powerlessness, lacking political skills, and distressed by the dramatic economic and environmental changes within their community, this cohort is unlikely to organise politically, and is likely to remain relatively voiceless within the fraught dynamics of local politics within riven forest communities. Nevertheless, this ‘third cohort’ suggests wider issues for the politics of place. Its worldview constitutes a potent contemporary articulation of ‘the moral economy’, as described in the 1970s by E.P. Thompson, and extended to a conception of ‘moral ecology’ by Karl Jacoby. It also suggests, contra Doreen Massey, that the identity‐based place theory of the phenomenological tradition is compatible with a conception of places as sites of conflicted meaning, and that it is wrong to assume the vector of change within place to be progressive; rather it is as likely to conduce to a loss of individual and collective agency.
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