Comparative Green Politics: Beyond the European Context?

Abstract

It is argued that there are significant differences between green electoral politics in Europe and green developments in the affluent non‐European west, and that these are such that, despite the greater political formalization of the green movement in Western Europe, there is a sense in which North American and Antipodean developments are ultimately more fundamental than those that have occurred in Europe. Loosely adopting explanatory categories employed by Rudig and Lowe in a Political Studies article, we examine evidence under four sub‐heads: electoral thresholds; the historical legacy of the environment movement; the different contextual roles played by the anti‐nuclear movement and wilderness experience, and ecology, Marxism and the new left.

The 1989 Tasmanian election: The green independents consolidate

“…While it is clear that the Independents gained a substantial protest, or 'anti-party', vote which may have reflected a widespread dissatisfaction with the confrontationalist style of the Gray government, this may not necessarily correspond with an increase in the 'greening' of Tasmanian politics. However, an examination of Tasmanian electoral results over the past seventeen years (see Table 3) indicates growing support for candidates standing on environmental or green platforms (see also Hay and Haward, 1988). That this electoral support has moved from the urban core of greater Hobart to become a statewide phenomenon following the 1989 election, heralds a significant change in the direction of Tasmanian politics.…”

“…In addition it highlights the peculiarly Tasmanian elements of the adversarial conflict between the environment movement and the established pro-development political parties which has dominated the State's political agenda for the last seventeen years. While the Independents attracted support from individuals disillusioned with the confrontationalist style of politics pursued by the Liberal government, the success of the Independents reinforces the continuing high profile of environmental politics in this State (Hay and Haward, 1988;Hay, 1987).…”

“…While the environmental movement in Tasmania has generally focused on 'extra parliamentary' processes, undertaking direct action and the more traditional lobbying of State and Commonwealth governments to highlight environmental issues, the movement in 1972 established the United Tasmania Group (UTG), an environmentally-based party. The UTG contested elections between 1972 and1976 and is claimed to be the world's first green party (Hay and Haward, 1988). After a decade of inactivity the UTG was revived as a vehicle whereby the Tasmanian greens could stand Senate candidates in the 1990 federal election.…”

Is progressive environmentalism an oxymoron?

“…(European environmentalists are more likely to be peace activists and tend to be more concerned with quality-of-life issues than with the preservation of wilderness-not surprising, considering the almost total absence of something like complete wilderness on the European continent.) 15 Implicit in Paehlke's ringing endorsement of the concept of the conserver society is a deep suspicion of the market economy. According to its advocates, the conserver society is supposed to provide for our "real" needs, as distinct from the "artificial" needs induced by advertising.…”

A critique of generative class theories of environmentalism and of the labour–environmentalist relationship

“…There have clearly been cases of hostility to environmentalist positions by working class people in particular localities such as Tasmania [Hay and 101 CLASS THEORIES OF ENVIRONMENTALISM 124ep05.qxd 10/11/03 08:07 Page 101 Haward, 1988] and particular occupations such as logging as well as in cases studied by Siegmann [1985]. However, citing these cases in support of the 'class-conflict' model of the LER assumes what has to be proven, namely that these specific cases of LER conflict were actually driven by a clash of class interests and/or class outlooks.…”