Explains the purposes underlying the structure of the four main parts of the book—to review and sharpen the analytical concepts employed; to clarify the stake‐holder interests, which comprise ‘publicness’; to examine issues affecting the efficiency of production of public goods; and to identify the ways in which the interface between national and transnational decision‐making affects the strategic management of the provision of global public goods.

Gl obalization is often associated with increased privateness-with economic liberalization, placing a growing number of goods and services into markets, fostering international market integration, and encouraging private cross-border economic activity such as trade, investment, transport, travel, migration and communication. No doubt, these are accompaniments of globalization. However, globalization is also, even perhaps quintessentially so, about increased publicness-about people's lives becoming more interdependent. Events in one place of the globe are often unleashing worldwide repercussions. And a growing volume of international policy principles, treaties, norms, laws, and standards is defining common rules for an ever-wider range of activities. Just consider the elaborate rules governing ''free trade''. Clearly, international markets are far from being unfettered. Or, think of the many international agreements pertaining to global concerns such as peace and security, controlling terrorism and drug trafficking, averting the risk of global climate change, combating the spread of communicable diseases, or creating global communication and transportation networks. All concern in one way or another the provision of public goods whose benefits-or, in the case of ''bads'', costs-cut across borders. They prove that many national public goods have gone global. Globalization and global public goods are inextricably linked. In fact, whether-and how-global public goods are provided is what turns globalization either into an oppor

Public health is one of the most prominent global public goods, yet the history of international co‐operation to control communicable diseases reveals mixed results. To help understand why some diseases have been tamed while others have not, three challenges are analysed. The main finding is that problems tend to persist when the publicness of the response is limited. Here, publicness refers to the three key inputs—available medical knowledge, public health infrastructure and private household spending on complementary goods and services. Examines this relationship in the light of four examples—polio, HIV/AIDS, infection by antimicrobial‐resistant agents, and sickle cell disease. Concludes with a discussion of options for enhancing publicness as defined.

Focuses on assessing the provision status of global public goods, proposing as assessment methodology, which an appendix applies to seven global public goods, presenting a provision profile for each. The methodology and the profiles are first steps toward establishing a consolidated, quantitative picture of how global public goods are provided

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