Abstract:The Mexican Forest Code establishes structural reference values to differentiate between secondary and old-growth forests and requires a management plan when secondary forests become old-growth and potentially harvestable forests. The implications of this regulation for forest management, restoration, and conservation were assessed in the context of the Calakmul Biosphere Reserve, which is located in the Yucatan Peninsula. The basal area and stem density thresholds currently used by the legislation to differentiate old-growth from secondary forests are 4 m 2 /ha and 15 trees/ha (trees with a diameter at breast height of >25 cm); however, our research indicates that these values should be increased to 20 m 2 /ha and 100 trees/ha, respectively. Given that a management plan is required when secondary forests become old-growth forests, many landowners avoid forest-stand development by engaging slash-and-burn agriculture or cattle grazing. We present evidence that deforestation and land degradation may prevent the natural regeneration of late-successional tree species of high ecological and economic importance. Moreover, we discuss the results of this study in the light of an ongoing debate in the Yucatan Peninsula between policy makers, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), OPEN ACCESSForests 2014, 5 979 landowners and researchers, regarding the modification of this regulation to redefine the concept of acahual (secondary forest) and to facilitate forest management and restoration with valuable timber tree species.
Resumen: Los mayas conciben la cacería como una práctica integrada al resto de las actividades dentro de su sistema productivo. En el presente estudio resaltamos el uso que hacen de la agricultura de roza-tumba-quema para cazar. Se describe y delimita la que hemos denominado como "milpa comedero-trampa": práctica de manejo del hábitat donde la siembra de cultivos agrícolas interesa exclusivamente para atraer y cazar determinadas especies de vertebrados terrestres, no para obtener cosechas para autoconsumo. Se caracterizan los componentes técnicos y la organización social involucrada que identifican a esta variante o subsistema de milpa, como su reducido tamaño (entre 1-3 mecates), la ausencia de la fase de quema o que ésta es microlocalizada, que el maíz (Zea mays) no es el cultivo primordial, o que la milpa es de carácter enteramente individual, entre otros. En una milpa comedero-trampa, la agricultura y la cacería constituyen un nexo tecnológico para obtener presas en un espacio muy especializado dentro del territorio (que no es la típica ix kool o, como la llamaremos aquí, milpa convencional).Palabras clave: cacería, milpa, manejo del hábitat, cultura maya, Península de Yucatán.Abstract: The Maya conceive hunting as an integrated activity within their productive system. In this study, we draw attention to the use of slash-and-burn agriculture to capture wild fauna. The milpa comedero-trampa (the "milpa trough-trap"), as we have named it, is described and delimited as a habitat management practice in which cultivating is only done to enable hunting, and not to obtain cultivated products. The technical components and social organization involved in this variant or subsystem of the milpa are characterized, including its reduced size (1-3 mecates), the absence of burning or its restriction, the secondary role of Zea mays, or their individual nature. In a milpa comedero-trampa agriculture and hunting form a technological link to obtain prey in a specialized space (different from the conventional ix kool or milpa convencional, as it is referred to here).
Intensive production systems have damaged many natural ecosystems and have altered their capacity to provide ecosystem services such as climate regulation, soil fertility, and vector-borne disease control. Therefore, these agroecosystems are unsustainable and poorly resilient. However, traditional agroforestry systems (TAS) contribute to the conservation of biodiversity and to the provision of inputs for the maintenance of local populations. The objective of this study was to evaluate the contribution of the TAS in the food supply under the food sovereignty (FSv) approach in three different ethnic groups. The study was conducted in three communities of different origin in the State of Campeche, one Maya Tseltal-Chol, the other Mestizo, and the third Yucatec Mayan. The theoretical-methodological framework of this research was based on agroecology. Ethnographic methods and participatory research activities were carried out to describe and analyze the factors that strengthen FSv using five indicators. Our results present a description and analysis of resource access, current production models, patterns of consumption and food security, commercialization and participation in decision-making of these communities. Traditional agroecological management practices are still preserved and native species are still being cultivated. Farmers obtain about 55% of their food from TAS. The consumption of food is influenced by the culture, the purchasing power linked to economic activities and government support. TAS have played a strategic role for the survival of families but to ensure their contribution to FSv, it is necessary to articulate the actions of the sectors that share the same objective and encourage the active participation of communities in agricultural policies.
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