This commentary serves to provide a rapid analysis of the impact of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) on sporting mass gatherings. The focus of this commentary surrounds sporting mass gatherings and strategies to mitigate the spread of COVID-19, with a particular focus on the UEFA EURO 2020 competition. Further references to the 2020 Olympic Games, and community recreational football are made. The intention is to stimulate discussion, analysis, interest and research on what the initial impact of COVID-19 has on sport. COVID-19 could fundamentally change the way sport operates in the future and requires further analysis. We hope this commentary provides an interesting record and reference point for future research and practice of those operating in sporting organisations. Learning lesson from this crisis, must ensure sport managers and practitioners are better prepared in sport and society for similar events in the future.

There has been for some time a significant and growing body of research around the relationship between sport and social capital. Similarly within sociology there has been a corpus of work that has acknowledged the emergence of the omnivore-univore relationship. Surprisingly relatively few studies examining sport and social capital have taken the omnivore -univore framework as a basis for understanding the relationship between sport and social capital. This gap in the sociology of sport literature and knowledge is rectified by this study that takes not Putnam, Coleman or Bourdieu but Lin's social network approach to social capital. The implications of this article are that researchers investigating sport and social capital need to understand more about how social networks and places for sport work to create social capital and in particular the changing dynamics of social class. The results indicate that social networks both facilitate and constrain sports participation, whilst family and friendship networks are central in active lifestyles, those less active have limited networks. Key wordsSocial capital has been conceptualised and operationalized in a number of ways (Bourdieu, 1984; Coleman, 1988; Putnam, 2000; Nan Lin, 2001). There are many reasons why social capital has attracted so much attention over the past thirty years or so: the assumption that civil society and democracy depend upon it; that some of the important features that contribute to social life such as networks, norms and trust have been diminishing; that civic engagement, volunteering, and community networks, public service have all been under threat and that the means or the resources for developing shared human objectives and capabilities have been challenged as a result of changing individual and societal priorities.As scholarly interest in the concept of social capital has flourished, the relationship between sport and social capital has gained greater prominence, primarily through the seminal contributions of Jarvie (2003), Delaney and Keaney (2005), Coalter (2007), Nicholson and Hoye (2008), and more recently, Widdop and Cutts (2012a) and Nichols, Tacon and Muir (2013). This body of work has at its core some or all of the following themes: the extent to which sport contributes to the bridging and/or bonding aspects of social capital; the relationship between sports participation and social capital; the role of sport in fostering different aspects of communitarianism; and the role of sport in the development of not just human capabilities but community life as suggested by a former UN Secretary General for Europe who asserted that "The hidden face of sport is also the tens of thousands of enthusiasts who find in their football, rowing, athletics and rock climbing clubs a place for meeting and exchange but above all the training ground for community life" (Jarvie and Thornton, 2012: 255).Yet, despite the saliency of sport in the scholarly work of Bourdieu (1984) and calls by cultural sociologist Richard Peterson (2005) to examin...

Using a latent class analysis, we identify distinct typologies of sports' consumers in England and then determine whether the socio-economic makeup of the latent classes resemble recent scholarly work across different cultural and leisure fields. The third part of the analysis provides a nuanced rigorous statistical evaluation of the subtle socio-economic differences between the active sports' clusters. Our analysis is unique with few studies, if any, identifying and then examining types of sports consumers in this way. The findings largely corroborate research in other cultural and leisure fields, although there are distinctive types of consumers' specific to sport along gender lines, and a group which consumes highbrow sports but when compared to other types of sports' consumers, do not exclusively come from the higher social strata.

This paper examines the impact of place on museum participation in England. For the first time in the cultural field, we use a multilevel logistic model to examine whether place matters after accounting for individual characteristics and area level compositional factors. Our findings show that the traditional social order remains intact, although other social cleavages have become important, and that significant variation exists in museum participation simultaneously at both the neighbourhood and local authority district spatial scales. We conclude by arguing that future research into cultural consumption patterns must take account of the fact that individuals reside in different places. That individuals cluster in space, interact in these places and spaces, and that environmental forces impact on museum participation. Put simply, both theoretically and empirically, studies of cultural behaviour should take account of place, because place matters. IntroductionScholarly work in the field of cultural consumption has focussed on social position, education and other socio-demographic characteristics to explain why people are engaged or disengaged in culture (Bennett et al, 2009). While accepting and acknowledging the importance of such drivers, this paper claims that key empirical analyses of cultural consumption have largely ignored the importance of place and macro contextual forces, the range of mechanisms and the different spatial scales in which participation takes place. Consequently, we examine whether the places in which people live out their lives acts as a further cleavage in consumption behaviour. We question how important place is and whether contextual mechanisms inhibit or facilitate cultural participation. To test this hypothesis we empirically examine participation in museums and galleries using the Taking Part Survey (TPS) 2005 -2006.The aim of this paper is threefold. Firstly, after controlling for stratification and other compositional measures, we examine whether variation in museum participation still exists at the area level. Put simply, whether variation in consumption behaviour can be accounted for by place. Secondly, we determine whether this variation differs across spatial scales and is therefore indicative of different contextual process occurring. Thirdly, we examine whether place fosters or inhibits cultural behaviour and whether living in deprived areas acts as a further barrier to cultural and social exclusion. Unlike previous cultural studies, we focus on whether place matters, specifically after accounting for established individual attributes and area level compositional factors. Our findings suggest that, whilst class and education still matters most, other drivers are now salient measures of participation. However, primarily, we stress the importance

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Place is a key driver in the formation and maintenance of cultural lifestyles. Yet, place remains largely ignored in scholarly studies of cultural omnivorousness. After establishing whether there are different modes of omnivorousness as well as distinguishing between other cultural lifestyles, this article then takes a first step in readdressing this anomaly by examining whether clustering exists at the regional level in England. Using a methodologically innovative approach to simultaneously capture latent class typologies and between-group heterogeneity at the area scale, our findings illustrate how place is vital to consumption habits, particularly to voracious omnivores. We argue that the underlying mechanism behind these cultural patterns at the area level is contextual in nature, and in the case of voracious omnivores, primarily due to the supply of cultural items and the importance of likeminded individuals in active networks.

The structure of football can also be conceived as a form of ecosystem, or even a social world, constructed through a network of individuals, within a division of labour, that interact under a set of specific conventions. In this commentary we describe that socially constructed world-Football World. The nature of this structural world makes network theory an appealing framework to explore processes of the football ecosystem during COVID-19. While we focus on the English Premier League, notably this league is embedded within a European and international marketplace it offers relevance for the broader global football ecosystem. We proceed to explore this dynamic Football World by considering how the different collective forms-specifically fans, players and clubs-have been affected by COVID-19. We comment on the potential implications for the connective fabric of the broader network and what these observations mean for potential future research.

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