In this study, the authors examined whether the number of languages a person speaks predicts performance on 2 cognitive-screening tests. Data were drawn from a representative sample of the oldest Israeli Jewish population (N = 814, M age = 83.0 years; SD = 5.4) that was interviewed first in 1989 and then twice more within the following 12 years. Cognitive state differed significantly among groups of self-reported bilingual, trilingual, and multilingual individuals at each of the 3 interview waves. Regression analyses showed that the number of languages spoken contributed to the prediction of cognitive test scores beyond the effect of other demographic variables, such as age, gender, place of birth, age at immigration, or education. Multilingualism was also found to be a significant predictor of cognitive state in a group of individuals who acquired no formal education at all. Those who reported being most fluent in a language other than their mother tongue scored higher on average than did those whose mother tongue was their best language, but the effect of number of languages on cognitive state was significant in both groups, with no significant interaction. Results are discussed in the context of theories of cognitive reserve.

Multiple approaches should be offered to older persons with memory complaints. The availability of diverse options would help fit the needs of a heterogeneous population. An educational media effort to promote the public's understanding of the efficacy of these multiple approaches is needed.

This study aims to examine whether old age, old-old age, and oldest-old age comprise distinct categories via comparing persons aged 75-84, 85-94, and 95+ on demographics, health, function, and wellbeing. The sample was drawn from a representative longitudinal cohort of older persons in Israel. Matched cohort comparisons found a significant decline in Activities of Daily Living (ADL), instrumental ADL, cognitive function, percent of participants who go outside their home, and physical activity, with an increase in physical and mobility difficulties, and no difference in depressed affect or loneliness. Longitudinal results showed increased widowhood, institutionalization, comorbidity, physical and mobility difficulties, loneliness, and depressed affect, as well as decreased subjective health and physical activity over time. In the absence of changes in social support as manifested by marital status and community living, there was no decline in wellbeing. Current evidence of various gradual quantitative differences suggest that in most respects old age may be better conceptualized as a single phase marked by a continual quality.

This article examines the relations between reported level of activity and measures of affect in old people exploring possible sex differences. It was hypothesized that these relations are mediated by the satisfaction from the specific activity. The sample consisted of fifty-four women and forty-five men, ranging in age from sixty to eighty, functioning normally in the community. A questionnaire assessed participants' levels of indoor/outdoor activities. Participants rated their satisfaction for each of these activities. Negative affect was measured by Zung's Self-Rating Depression Scale, and positive affect was measured by Bradburn's Well-Being (Affect-Balance) Scale. For male respondents, results showed significant negative correlations between depression and both activities, and significant positive correlations with respect to well-being. Significant positive correlation was obtained only between well-being and outdoor activity for female respondents. When satisfaction from the specific activity was controlled for, only two correlations remained significant in the male participants, lending partial support to the hypothesis. A multiple regression analysis revealed reported levels of activity could predict both depression and well-being for men much better than for women, whereas satisfaction from activity could do that much better for women than for men. Discussion deals with the sex differences regarding the meaning of activity in old age and its implications for affect. The differentiation between kinds of activity as well as measures of affect is also referenced.

Psychological time consists of cognitive constructs, images, and symbolic representations. It has different dimensions such as the experience of time, time perspective, attitudes and beliefs toward time, and the individual's behavior relating to time. Psychological time undergoes changes throughout the life span and is an integral part of the psychological developmental processes. In later life, it may be particularly dissonant with environmental rhythms and require re‐integration of the individual's past, present, and future. This article suggests several guidelines for counseling practice that address the many facets of psychological time in later life and their implications for the mental health and well‐being of older people.