In this study, the authors examined whether the number of languages a person speaks predicts performance on 2 cognitive-screening tests. Data were drawn from a representative sample of the oldest Israeli Jewish population (N = 814, M age = 83.0 years; SD = 5.4) that was interviewed first in 1989 and then twice more within the following 12 years. Cognitive state differed significantly among groups of self-reported bilingual, trilingual, and multilingual individuals at each of the 3 interview waves. Regression analyses showed that the number of languages spoken contributed to the prediction of cognitive test scores beyond the effect of other demographic variables, such as age, gender, place of birth, age at immigration, or education. Multilingualism was also found to be a significant predictor of cognitive state in a group of individuals who acquired no formal education at all. Those who reported being most fluent in a language other than their mother tongue scored higher on average than did those whose mother tongue was their best language, but the effect of number of languages on cognitive state was significant in both groups, with no significant interaction. Results are discussed in the context of theories of cognitive reserve.

No abstract

This study aims to examine whether old age, old-old age, and oldest-old age comprise distinct categories via comparing persons aged 75-84, 85-94, and 95+ on demographics, health, function, and wellbeing. The sample was drawn from a representative longitudinal cohort of older persons in Israel. Matched cohort comparisons found a significant decline in Activities of Daily Living (ADL), instrumental ADL, cognitive function, percent of participants who go outside their home, and physical activity, with an increase in physical and mobility difficulties, and no difference in depressed affect or loneliness. Longitudinal results showed increased widowhood, institutionalization, comorbidity, physical and mobility difficulties, loneliness, and depressed affect, as well as decreased subjective health and physical activity over time. In the absence of changes in social support as manifested by marital status and community living, there was no decline in wellbeing. Current evidence of various gradual quantitative differences suggest that in most respects old age may be better conceptualized as a single phase marked by a continual quality.

This study examined patterns and predictors of change in medication use among old-old participants (aged 75 to 94 years) in a three-wave national Israeli study. The findings indicated a significant increase in the number of medications on short-term follow-up (3.6 years) and a modest, marginally significant increase in the long term (11.7 years). The number of medications was predicted by predisposing characteristics and baseline needs of physical and mental health, explaining 20% of the variance in the short- and long-term models. Women, married individuals, and those with low perceived health and low depressive symptoms tended to increase their use in the short term, whereas men, low-income individuals, and those with higher comorbidities and low difficulties in instrumental activity of daily living tended to increase their use in the long term. The leveling of medication use found on long-term follow-up highlights the particular dynamics of health behavior and health care practices relating to the old-old population.

At old-old age, the results point to reduced predictability of subjective wellness by factual dysfunction. This finding supports the fourth-age model. Still, researchers should consider an alternative interpretation, by which increasing independence between factual and subjective indicators is protective, rather than debilitating, among old-old people.