The supposed role of climate change on societal reorganizations in Europe 1,2 and Asia 3,4 during the first half Common Era (CE) is difficult to prove without adequate annually resolved and absolutely dated climate proxy archives 5,6. Interpretation of concurrences between cooling in the 6 th century and pandemic 7,8 , rising and falling civilizations 1-6 , human migrations and political turmoil 8-13 lacks understanding of scalar and causal mechanisms. Here we use tree-ring chronologies from the Russian Altai and Austrian Alps to reconstruct summer temperatures over the past two millennia. In both regions, conditions during Roman and recent times were warmer than throughout the medieval period. Unprecedented, long-lasting and spatially synchronized cooling following a cluster of large volcanic eruptions in 536, 540 and 547 CE 14 , was likely sustained by ocean and sea-ice feedbacks 15,16 , superimposed on a solar minimum 17. This newly defined Late Antique Little Ice Age (LALIA, 536 to ~660 CE) exceeded the LIA in severity. Covering much of the Northern Hemisphere, it should be considered as an additional environmental factor contributing to the establishment of the Justinian plague 7,8 , transformation of the eastern Roman and collapse of the Sasanian Empire 1,2,5 , movements out of the Asian steppe and Arabian Peninsula 8,11,12 , spread of Slavic-speaking people 9,10 , and upheavals in China 13. Annually resolved and absolutely dated insight into late Holocene climate variability is crucial in order to distinguish anthropogenic from natural forced variation 18 , and to evaluate the performance of climate model simulations 19. Spatially well-distributed palaeoclimatic archives are also essential for answering questions surrounding possible relationships between climate variability and human history 5,6. However, around the world today, there are only 13 temperature sensitive tree-ring chronologies that span the entire CE (Table S1).

Although many studies have associated the demise of complex societies with deteriorating climate, few have investigated the connection between an ameliorating environment, surplus resources, energy, and the rise of empires. The 13th-century Mongol Empire was the largest contiguous land empire in world history. Although drought has been proposed as one factor that spurred these conquests, no high-resolution moisture data are available during the rapid development of the Mongol Empire. Here we present a 1,112-y tree-ring reconstruction of warm-season water balance derived from Siberian pine (Pinus sibirica) trees in central Mongolia. Our reconstruction accounts for 56% of the variability in the regional water balance and is significantly correlated with steppe productivity across central Mongolia. In combination with a gridded temperature reconstruction, our results indicate that the regional climate during the conquests of Chinggis Khan's (Genghis Khan's) 13th-century Mongol Empire was warm and persistently wet. This period, characterized by 15 consecutive years of aboveaverage moisture in central Mongolia and coinciding with the rise of Chinggis Khan, is unprecedented over the last 1,112 y. We propose that these climate conditions promoted high grassland productivity and favored the formation of Mongol political and military power. Tree-ring and meteorological data also suggest that the early 21st-century drought in central Mongolia was the hottest drought in the last 1,112 y, consistent with projections of warming over Inner Asia. Future warming may overwhelm increases in precipitation leading to similar heat droughts, with potentially severe consequences for modern Mongolia.paleoclimate | dendrochronology | human ecology | Anthropocene | coupled human natural systems

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Such non-chinese people as the rong, di, and hu are often portrayed in the traditional historiography of ancient China as greedy, aggressive, and acquisitive (Sinor 1978; Honey 1990). Chinese writings of the Zhou dynasty (c. 1050–256 b.c.) contain many instances of unflattering statements aimed at foreign peoples: the Zuo zhuan compares the Rong and Di to wolves (ZZ, 1:209); the Zhan guo ce says the state of Qin shares the same attributes as the Rong and Di—the heart of a tiger or wolf, greed, and cruelty (ZGC, 11:869; cf. Crump 1970:436). Foreign peoples were often considered “have-nots” with an insatiable lust for Chinese goods, mainly silk, grains, and, later, tea. This stereotype, which developed in the historical sources along with the process of crystallization of the Chinese ethnocultural identity and codification of the written and oral traditions, was regarded as sufficient to account for otherwise complex social and political phenomena. In the course of time, with the historical development of powerful nomadic states confronting China militarily and politically, the attributes of “greedy” and “ravenous” stuck essentially to those people who “moved in search of grass and water”: the pastoral nomads.

The Eldgjá lava flood is considered Iceland’s largest volcanic eruption of the Common Era. While it is well established that it occurred after the Settlement of Iceland (circa 874 CE), the date of this great event has remained uncertain. This has hampered investigation of the eruption’s impacts, if any, on climate and society. Here, we use high-temporal resolution glaciochemical records from Greenland to show that the eruption began in spring 939 CE and continued, at least episodically, until at least autumn 940 CE. Contemporary chronicles identify the spread of a remarkable haze in 939 CE, and tree ring-based reconstructions reveal pronounced northern hemisphere summer cooling in 940 CE, consistent with the eruption’s high yield of sulphur to the atmosphere. Consecutive severe winters and privations may also be associated with climatic effects of the volcanic aerosol veil. Iceland’s formal conversion to Christianity dates to 999/1000 CE, within two generations or so of the Eldgjá eruption. The end of the pagan pantheon is foretold in Iceland’s renowned medieval poem, Vǫluspá (‘the prophecy of the seeress’). Several lines of the poem describe dramatic eruptive activity and attendant meteorological effects in an allusion to the fiery terminus of the pagan gods. We suggest that they draw on first-hand experiences of the Eldgjá eruption and that this retrospection of harrowing volcanic events in the poem was intentional, with the purpose of stimulating Iceland’s Christianisation over the latter half of the tenth century. Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (10.1007/s10584-018-2171-9) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.