The physical attractiveness of a criminal defendant (attractive, unattractive, no information) and the nature of the crime (attractiveness-related, attractiveness-unrelated) were varied in a factorial design. After reading one of the case accounts, subjects sentenced the defendant to a term of imprisonment. An interaction was predicted: When the crime was unrelated to attractiveness (burglary), subjects would assign more lenient sentences to the attractive defendant than to the unattractive defendant; when the offense was attractiveness-related (swindle), the attractive defendant would receive harsher treatment. The results confirmed the predictions, thereby supporting a cognitive explanation for the relationship between the physical attractiveness of defendants and the nature of the judgments made against them.

Disparities in genetic cancer risk assessment (GCRA) uptake persist between Latinas and Non‐Hispanic Whites. This study utilized a mental model approach to interview 20 Latinas (10 affected, 10 unaffected) at increased risk for hereditary breast and ovarian cancer (HBOC). Participants were asked about their knowledge and perceptions of GCRA, HBOC, risk, benefits, motivators, barriers, challenges, and experiences with GCRA. Using the Consensual Qualitative Analysis Framework, two authors independently coded the interviews and applied the final codes upon consensus. Additionally, interviews were coded to identify whether participants spontaneously brought up certain topics without a prompt. Findings identified multiple barriers and facilitators to GCRA uptake in this population, including patient level psychosocial/cultural factors (e.g., limited knowledge, worry about relatives’ risk) and healthcare system factors (e.g., receiving no referrals). There were notable differences in awareness and knowledge between affected and unaffected women (e.g., genetic testing awareness), as well as knowledge gaps that were evident in both groups (e.g., age of diagnosis as a risk factor). To reduce disparities in GCRA uptake, interventions should address identified facilitators and barriers. Differences in knowledge and awareness between affected and unaffected women support the development of targeted interventions that address specific knowledge gaps. This study was registered in ClinicalTrials.gov (NCT03075540) by Alejandra Hurtado de Mendoza, Ph.D.

Disparities for genetic cancer risk assessment (GCRA) for hereditary breast and ovarian cancer (HBOC) persist between Latina and non-Hispanic Whites. There are few tested culturally targeted interventions. We developed a culturally targeted video to enhance GCRA uptake in at-risk Latinas. Interviews with healthcare providers (n = 20) and at-risk Latinas (n = 20) were conducted as formative research to inform the development of the video. Findings from the formative research, health behavior conceptual models, and evidence-based risk communication strategies informed the messages for the script. Then, we conducted a focus group with at-risk Latinas (n = 7) to obtain feedback for final refinement of the script. The final video was piloted for acceptability and potential dissemination in a sample of Latino community health workers (CHWs) (n = 31). Providers and at-risk Latinas suggested using simple language and visual aids to facilitate comprehension. Participants in the focus group identified areas for further clarification (e.g., cost). The result was an 18-min video that illustrates BRosa's^story. Rosa learns about HBOC risk factors and overcomes barriers to attend genetic counseling. CHWs reported high overall satisfaction with the video (M = 9.61, SD = .88, range 1-10). A culturally targeted video has the potential to reach underserved populations with low literacy and English proficiency.

Elaborating this analysis, Linder and Crane (1970) hypothesized that ratings of the attractiveness of alternatives will converge as a choice approaches. Linder and Crane had female undergraduates rate the desirability of two interviewers after reading brief descriptions of them. Some of the subjects had been led to believe that they would choose which of the two would interview them about highly personal topics following a brief "getacquainted" period with both potential interviewers. The length of the get-acquainted period was varied. Linder and Crane found that the difference in the ratings, given the two interviewers, was smaller when the choice was expected after a 3-minute get-acquainted period than when the get-acquainted period was expected to last IS minutes or when no choice was expected.Linder, Wortman, and Brehm (1971) used a procedure similar to that of Linder and Crane but varied the time to the choice while holding the amount of time in the getacquainted period constant. Replicating the Linder and Crane effect, they found that the difference in the ratings given the two interviewers was smaller when the time to the

This article is based on a dissertation submitted to the University of Maryland in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the doctoral degree. The author wishes to thank her advisor, Harold Sigall, for his guidance and suggestions and also extends her thanks to Phil Bobko, Richard Meltzer, Judson Mills, and Barry Smith for their help and support. Her appreciation is especially extended to Paul Brounstein for his thoughtful comments on the manuscript.Requests for reprints should be sent to Nancy