Croatia represents in many respects a unique case in the world in the way it standardized the right to vote, the electoral model, and the pattem of political representation of the diaspora in the national parliament. Besides standard theoretical arguments that explain the right of diaspora members to vote in parliamentary and presidential elections in the country, the authorities made use of a number of contextually specific political, economic, military, and moral reasons for that. It was shown that principled reasons which were used to justify legalizing diaspora voting rights and institutionalization of special electoral models as well as the pattems of political representation in the Croatian parliament were subordinated to the interests to symbolically integrate the Croats from Bosnia and Herzegovina in the political system of Croatia, who would then, as a sort of generic voters, secure safe votes and bonus seats for the Croatian Democratic Union, Legalizing Diaspora Voting Rights in CroatiaDespite the fact that different types of diaspora voting and voting of citizens temporarily living outside their mother countries existed akeady in some older historical periods,' this issue did not come into focus of theoretical and political disputes until the end of the twentieth century. Economic, political, and cultural globalization, mass migration from economically undeveloped to developed countries, an increasing number of refugees, expellees and displaced persons from conflict and postconflict societies, the third wave of democratization, and the formation of new nation-states in Europe and Asia as well as political activation of old and new diasporas changed the perception, standardization, and institutionalization of constitutive political categories such as citizenship, voting rights, and political representation.

Genocid u NDH:Umanjivanje, banaliziranje i poricanje zločina MIRJANA KASAPOVIĆ Fakultet političkih znanosti, Sveučilište u Zagrebu Sažetak U tekstu se razmatra revizionistička struja u suvremenoj hrvatskoj historiografiji, a posredno i u politici, koja se bavi Nezavisnom Državom Hrvatskom (1941)(1942)(1943)(1944)(1945). Revizionistički narativ čine tri glavne postavke: (a) NDH je bila normalna onodobna protupobunjenička država koja nije koristila državni teror kako bi uništila vjerske i etničke zajednice koje su u ustaškoj ideologiji i politici bile određene kao prirodni ili organski neprijatelji te tvorevine, nego je primjenjivala ograničena legitimna sredstva borbe da bi se zaštitila od politič-kih pobunjenika; (b) u NDH nisu izvršeni masovni zločini, a kamoli genocid, ni nad Srbima, ni nad Židovima, ni nad Romima; štoviše, glavne žrtve bili su Hrvati te zločine NDH treba desrbizirati i dejudeizirati; (c) logor Jasenovac bio je samo radni i sabirni logor, a ne koncentracijski logor smrti, u koji je NDH privodila političke protivnike kako bi se zaštitila od njihova razornog djelovanja, a ne kako bi ih ubijala; pravi smrtonosni logor u Jasenovcu osnovala je tek jugoslavenska komunistička vlast poslije svršetka Drugoga svjetskog rata. Pokušavajući dekonstruirati "jasenovački mit", revizionisti zapravo nastoje dekonstruirati "mit o genocidu" u NDH, a time potpuno ili djelomice rehabilitirati NDH.

After the signing of the Dayton Agreement, critical literature has attempted to portray consociation in Bosnia and Herzegovina as the predominant source of the country's political problems. At the same time, this literature has widely neglected the centripetal rules that have existed since the first elections of the tripartite Presidency. The paper analyzes the outcomes of the existing centripetal cross‐ethnic vote pooling rules. It concludes that such outcomes are negative and it then discusses a possible solution by drawing inspiration from the application of the Bernese Jura's geometric mean. The paper focuses on the election of the Croat member in the tripartite Presidency as representative of the least numerous ethnic group. We argue that the application of the geometric mean based upon results in Croat‐majority municipalities could eliminate certain grievances and weakens the chances for election of the Croat member by voters from dominantly Bosniak areas.

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