1996 parliamentary elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Kasapović, Mirjana

doi:10.1016/s0261-3794(97)83122-8

Cited by 8 publications

(4 citation statements)

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“…Political affiliation seems to be a particularly relevant attribute for explaining how sources and messages are judged. This is not necessarily a contradiction, in spite of the fact many political affiliations overlap ethnic group membership (Kasapovic, 1997). Advocates of a particular political view are often from the same ethnic group, but ethnic group membership, which is much larger, can cut across political, urban-rural, and regional differences.…”

Section: Design and Independent Variablesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In many parts of Bosnia, the ethnic parties continue to dominate regional and local governance. For instance, Kasapovic (1997) reported that even though the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) has worked to minimize ethnic politics, in the 1996 parliamentary election, 95% of the seats went to the ethnic blocks, and 86% of the votes were given to the Croat, Bosniak, and Serb ethnic parties. This dominant role of ethnicity in the political process "is more widespread and defined than before the war" (Kasapovic, 1997, p. 121).…”

Section: Differing Levels Of Trust In Channelsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Role of Trust in Channels of Strategic Communication for Building Civil Society

Botan

Taylor

2005

Journal of Communication

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In these turbulent times, development communication is a growing and important area of both academic research and practice. This article explores the role of strategic communication channels in the development of civil society in Bosnia. This case study reports the results of a survey that asked Bosnians about their levels of trust in government officials, alternative media, and state-controlled media outlets. The findings suggest that shortly after the war Bosnians had medium levels of trust in their communication channels, and when it comes to obtaining important information, it appears that alternative media were considered more trustworthy than either the state media or local government officials. Finally, political affiliation and ethnicity affect trust in communication channels in complex ways.

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Section: Design and Independent Variablesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Differing Levels Of Trust In Channelsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Role of Trust in Channels of Strategic Communication for Building Civil Society

Botan

Taylor

2005

Journal of Communication

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“…Table 18: Elected parties in general elections 1990, 1996, 2006 1990 1996 2006 Panel Data sources: elections 1990 Karic (2011), 1996Kasapović (1997. Panel A displays parties continuously represented in the House of Representatives or formed from previously running parties.…”

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confidence: 99%

Does violence against civilians depress voter turnout? Evidence from Bosnia and Herzegovina

Alacevich

Zejcirovic

2020

Journal of Comparative Economics

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“… 8. Police were observed in 5 percent of polling stations during 1997 municipal elections, but in all bar 17 polling stations this was justified in accordance with rules and regulations (Schmeets, 1998: 86, 173); Kasapović (1997) gives no indication of problems with polling in the previous year’s general elections. …”

mentioning

confidence: 91%

Policing for democracy or democratically responsive policing? Examining the limits of externally driven police reform

Aitchison

Blaustein

2013

European Journal of Criminology

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Aitchison, A., Blaustein, J. (2013). Policing for democracy or democratically responsive policing? Examining the limits of externally driven police reform. European Journal of Criminology, 10 (4), 496-511This paper engages with literatures on democratic policing in established and emerging democracies and argues for disaggregating democratic policing into two more precise terms: policing for democracy and democratically responsive policing. The first term captures the contribution of police to securing and maintaining wider forms of government, while the second draws on political theory to emphasize arrangements for governing police actors based on responsiveness. Applying two distinct terms helps to highlight limitations to external police assistance. The terms are applied in an exploratory case study of 15 years of police reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The paper highlights early work securing necessary conditions for political democracy in BiH but argues that subsequent interventions dominated by the European Union undermine responsiveness. A recent United Nations Development Programme project suggests that external actors can succeed in supporting democratically responsive policing where they do not have immediate security interests at stake.authorsversionPeer reviewe

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1996 parliamentary elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Cited by 8 publications

References 0 publications

The Role of Trust in Channels of Strategic Communication for Building Civil Society

The Role of Trust in Channels of Strategic Communication for Building Civil Society

Does violence against civilians depress voter turnout? Evidence from Bosnia and Herzegovina

Policing for democracy or democratically responsive policing? Examining the limits of externally driven police reform

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