This is a pioneering, multi-empire account of the relationship between the politics of imperial repression and the economic structures of European colonies between the two World Wars. Ranging across colonial Africa, Southeast Asia and the Caribbean, Martin Thomas explores the structure of local police forces, their involvement in colonial labour control and the containment of uprisings and dissent. His work sheds new light on broader trends in the direction and intent of colonial state repression. It shows that the management of colonial economies, particularly in crisis conditions, took precedence over individual imperial powers' particular methods of rule in determining the forms and functions of colonial police actions. The politics of colonial labour thus became central to police work, with the depression years marking a watershed not only in local economic conditions but also in the breakdown of the European colonial order more generally.
Subclavian steal syndrome may result from stenosis or occlusion of the subclavian artery proximal to the origin of the vertebral artery. The diagnosis can be confirmed by noninvasive vascular studies with the use of a directional Doppler probe or by time-sequence aortic arch angiography, both of which can detect retrograde flow in the vertebral artery. A variety of surgical approaches to this condition have been used in the past, but the simpler and much safer carotid-to-subclavian bypass has become a more acceptable surgical procedure. There remains, however, a theoretical possibility that blood may be siphoned from the intracranial arteries perfused by the carotid. This phenomenon, which may be called the carotid steal syndrome, has been discussed, but no clinical cases have been reported. We present a patient who developed such a carotid steal syndrome 2 years after left carotid-subclavian bypass. This occurrence reemphasizes the importance of determining a normal carotid bifurcation prior to performing carotid-subclavian bypass.
There are three macro-level actors typically identified in the connection between contested decolonization, escalating levels of violence, and shrinking civilian spaces: the imperial authorities that resisted pressure to withdraw, settler populations wedded to white minority rule, and the anti-colonial nationalist groups determined to impose social control. This chapter discusses how reductive explanations of this type begin to unravel as soon as the forms of violence practised are explored. It is not that political struggles between imperialists and their opponents were irrelevant to violence and the ends of empire, but instead to indicate that violence in the late colonial world was rarely as binary as fighting “for” or “against” empire. There are multiple reasons for this violence, most being directly related to social standing, but remote from any unifying decolonization narrative. The most proximate of all was holding civilian status—a category whose juridical fragility was matched by its spatial insecurity.
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