Social aggression consists of actions directed at damaging another's self-esteem, social status, or both, and includes behaviors such as facial expressions of disdain, cruel gossipping, and the manipulation of friendship patterns. In Study 1, 4th, 7th, and 10th graders completed the Social Behavior Questionnaire; only boys viewed physical aggression as more hurtful than social aggression, and girls rated social aggression as more hurtful than did boys. In the 1st phase of Study 2, girls participated in a laboratory task in which elements of social-aggression were elicited and reliably coded. In the 2nd phase of Study 2, another sample of participants (elementary, middle, and high school boys and girls) viewed samples of socially aggressive behaviors from these sessions. Girls rated the aggressor as more angry than boys, and middle school and high school participants viewed the socially aggressive behaviors as indicating more dislike than elementary school children.

This essay identifies ten significant methodological challenges for understanding aggression and gender. In light of the recent explosion of research on indirect/relational/social aggression, it seems important to clarify gaps in our current understanding and to identify promising methods by which better answers might be found. The discussion begins with basic issues of definitions, contexts and subtypes, moves on to points concerning sampling and measures, and addresses whether current evidence warrants deciding that girls are as aggressive as boys. We conclude that although research has shown that the majority of girls' aggression takes indirect/relational/social forms, it is premature to conclude that boys do not also engage in these behaviors. We caution against assuming that physical and indirect/relational/social aggression are comparable in their developmental origins and consequences, and urge researchers to consider that fully understanding indirect/relational/social aggression might require different conceptual frameworks and research methods.

2 related studies addressed the development of display rules for anger and the relation between use of display rules for anger and aggressiveness as rated by school peers. Third, fifth, and seventh graders (ages 8.4, 10.9, and 12.8, respectively) gave hypothetical responses to videotaped, anger provoking vignettes. Overall, regardless of how display rules were defined, subjects reported display rules more often with teachers than with peers for both facial expressions and actions. Reported masking of facial expressions of anger increased with age, but only with teachers. Girls reported masking of facial expressions of anger more than boys. There was a trend for aggressive subjects to invoke display rules for anger less than nonaggressive subjects. The phenomenon of display rules for anger is complex and dependent on the way display rules are defined and the age and gender of the subjects. Most of all, whether children say they would behave angrily seems to be determined by the social context for revealing angry feelings; children say they would express anger genuinely much more often with peers than with teachers.

For a sample followed from age 9–13 (N=281), this investigation examined developmental trajectories for social and physical aggression as measured by teacher ratings. Trajectories for both forms of aggression were estimated first separately, then jointly. Mean levels of both social and physical aggression decreased over time for the overall sample, but with high variability of individual trajectories. Subgroups followed high trajectories for both social and physical aggression. Joint estimation yielded six trajectories: low stable, low increasers, medium increasers, medium desisters, high desisters, and high increasers. Membership in the high increaser group was predicted by male gender, unmarried parents, African American ethnicity, and maternal authoritarian and permissive parenting. Permissive parenting also predicted membership in the medium increaser group. This is one of the first studies to examine social aggression longitudinally across this developmental period. Though the results challenge the claim that social aggression is at its peak in early adolescence, the findings emphasize the importance of considering different developmental trajectories in trying to understand origins and outcomes of aggression.

This study investigated developmental trajectories for prosocial behavior for a sample followed from age 10 – 18 and examined possible adjustment outcomes associated with membership in different trajectory groups. Participants were 136 boys and 148 girls, their teachers, and their parents (19.4% African American, 2.4% Asian, 51.9% Caucasian, 19.5% Hispanic, and 5.8% other). Teachers rated children’s prosocial behavior yearly in grades 4 – 12. At the end of the 12th grade year, teachers, parents, and participants reported externalizing behaviors and participants reported internalizing symptoms, narcissism, and features of borderline personality disorder. Results suggested that prosocial behavior remained stable from middle childhood through late adolescence. Group-based mixture modeling revealed three prosocial trajectory groups: low (18.7%), medium (52.8%), and high (29.6%). Membership in the high prosocial trajectory group predicted lower levels of externalizing behavior as compared to the low prosocial trajectory group, and for girls, lower levels of internalizing symptoms. Membership in the medium prosocial trajectory group also predicted being lower on externalizing behaviors. Membership in the high prosocial trajectory group predicted lower levels of borderline personality features for girls only.

Many adolescents are heavily engaged with social media and text messaging (George & Odgers, 2016; Lenhart, 2015), yet few psychologists have studied what digital communication means for adolescents’ relationships and adjustment. This paper proposes that psychologists should embrace the careful study of adolescents’ digital communication. We discuss theoretical frameworks for understanding adolescents’ involvement with social media, present less widely recognized perils of intense involvement with social media, and highlight positive features of digital communication. Co-construction theory suggests that adolescents help to create the content of digital communication that shapes their lives, and that there may be strong continuity between adolescents’ offline and online lives (Subrahmanyam, Smahel, & Greenfield, 2006). However, psychological theories and research methods could further illuminate the power and the pain of adolescents’ digital communication. Psychologists need to understand more about subtle but potentially serious risks that adolescents might face: the agony of victimization by even a single episode of cyberbullying and the pain of social exclusion and comparison resulting from vast amounts of time reading large social media feeds and seeing friends doing things without you and comparing your inner emotional experience to everyone else’s highly groomed depictions of their seemingly marvelous lives. If we seek to understand developmental psychopathology and to help youth at risk, psychologists need to embrace careful study of the content of adolescents’ online communication, parents need to talk with their children about their own online experiences and become familiar with social media themselves, and clinicians need to address adolescents’ online social lives in prevention and treatment programs.

This brief report presents an innovative method for capturing the content of adolescents’ electronic communication on handheld devices: text messaging, email, and Instant Messaging. In an ongoing longitudinal study, adolescents were provided with BlackBerry devices with service plans paid by the investigators, and use of text messaging was examined when participants were 15 years old and in the 10th grade (N=175, 81 girls). BlackBerries are configured so that the content of all text messages, email messages, and Instant Messages is saved to a secure server and organized in a highly secure, searchable, online archive. This paper describes the technology used to devise this method and ethical considerations. Evidence for validity is presented, including information on use of text messaging to show that participants used these devices heavily and frequencies of profane and sexual language in a two-day sample of text messaging to demonstrate that they were communicating openly.

Passive social networking site use and well-being: The mediating roles of social comparison and the fear of missing out. AbstractPassively browsing social networking sites (SNSs) correlates with poorer well-being (Verduyn, Ybarra, Résibois, Jonides, & Kross, 2017). However, less research has been conducted that fully examines what factors may mediate this association. In particular, both online social comparison and the fear of missing out (FoMO) may play roles in how passive SNS browsing relates to depressive symptoms and self-perceptions. The current study adds to the literature by investigating how passive use relates to these outcomes through social comparison and FoMO. For an ethnically diverse sample of college students (N = 717, Mage = 21.47, SDage = 4.64, 69% female), passively using SNSs positively predicted social comparison, which was positively related to FoMO, which in turn positively predicted depressive symptoms, and negatively predicted global self-worth, self-perceived physical appearance, and self-perceived social acceptance. These findings suggest that social comparison and FoMO play a role in the link between passive SNS use, depressive symptoms, and self-perceptions, and that FoMO could result from online social comparison.