Care and service trajectories are identifiable routes through service systems that consist of all steps that people with intellectual disabilities (ID) and their families have to take to realize the care and services they need. Trajectories are especially prominent during the transitions from children's services to adult services. Within a service system in Noord-Brabant (in the Netherlands), the authors examined the course of such trajectories and their main bottlenecks and sought to identify their quality determinants. The first research question was addressed by an exercise in document analysis and the holding of semistructured interviews with key informants within the healthcare sector specialized for serving people with ID. A second research question was addressed by means of a literature review on integrated care. The authors observe that trajectories generally follow a "model route" consisting of five phases but may vary according to age category, degree of disability, and life domain. With respect to "bottlenecks," the authors noted that a lack of suitable supply and long waiting lists are good examples. They found that the literature on integrated care revealed that continuity, accessibility, availability, and flexibility of care and services, together with the seamlessness of transitions, are all important quality determinants for people with ID when judging their service trajectories. Bottlenecks and quality determinants of trajectories are strongly interrelated. The authors concluded that the literature and the key informants agree as to which factors are most important in realizing high-quality trajectories for individual clients. They recommend asking which criteria people with ID and their families value most when judging the quality of trajectories.
work is licensed under a Creative Commons IGO 3.0 AttributionNonCommercial-NoDerivatives (CC-IGO BY-NC-ND 3.0 IGO) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/igo/ legalcode) and may be reproduced with attribution to the IDB and for any non-commercial purpose, as provided below. No derivative work is allowed.Any dispute related to the use of the works of the IDB that cannot be settled amicably shall be submitted to arbitration pursuant to the UNCITRAL rules. The use of the IDB's name for any purpose other than for attribution, and the use of IDB's logo shall be subject to a separate written license agreement between the IDB and the user and is not authorized as part of this CC-IGO license.Following a peer review process, and with previous written consent by the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), a revised version of this work may also be reproduced in any academic journal, including those indexed by the American Economic Association's EconLit, provided that the IDB is credited and that the author(s) receive no income from the publication. Therefore, the restriction to receive income from such publication shall only extend to the publication's author(s). With regard to such restriction, in case of any inconsistency between the Creative Commons IGO 3.0 Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives license and these statements, the latter shall prevail.Note that link provided above includes additional terms and conditions of the license. In an effort to boost student achievement and reduce income-based gaps, the Chilean government passed the Preferential School Subsidy Law (SEP) in 2008, which altered the nation's 27-year-old universal school-voucher system dramatically. Implementation of SEP increased the value of the school voucher by 50 percent for "priority students", primarily those whose family incomes fell within the bottom 40 percent of the national distribution. To be eligible to accept the higher-valued vouchers from these students, schools were required to waive fees for Priority students and to participate in an accountability system. We addressed these RQs by fitting a sequence of multi-level interrupted time-series regression models, supplemented by other descriptive analyses. We found that:1. On average, student test scores increased markedly and income-based gaps in those scores declined by one-third in the five years after the passage of SEP.2. The combination of increased support of schools and accountability was the critical mechanism through which the implementation of SEP increased student scores, especially in schools serving high concentrations of low-income students. Migration of lowincome students from public schools to private voucher schools played a small role.We conclude by responding to a recent paper by Feigenberg, Rivkin, and Yan (2017) that argues that the gains from SEP are illusory. *The authors would like to acknowledge the helpful comments on earlier drafts provided
América Latina y el Caribe se ubica nuevamente a la cola del ranking internacional de calidad educativa. La participación de la región en esta prueba aumentó a 10 países, lo que muestra un claro compromiso por mejorar la calidad y aprender de otros países.
Latin America and the CaribbeanStudents with low performance levels are unable to complete basic tasks A high percentage of students perform poorly in scienceHalf of the students in the region present low levels of performance. If all 15-year-olds who are outside of the education system or still in primary education were included, this proportion would be even greater.
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Durante la pandemia de COVID-19, 165 millones de estudiantes de América Latina y el Caribe se vieron abruptamente desconectados de la educación. A finales de 2021, las escuelas habían estado cerradas una media de 237 días, más que en cualquier otra parte del mundo. Aunque la pandemia de COVID-19 ha afectado las vidas de mucha gente en todo el mundo, no lo ha hecho de manera uniforme. Tal vez uno de los legados más devastadores de la pandemia sea su efecto sobre los jóvenes. Durante uno de los periodos de desarrollo más críticos de la vida, un gran número de jóvenes se han visto privados de educación y expuestos a mayores niveles de inseguridad social, sanitaria, económica, violencia doméstica y abusos. A pesar de los esfuerzos de toda la comunidad educativa para garantizar que los estudiantes mantuvieran algún nivel de aprendizaje, las pruebas recogidas en este informe muestran que muchos escolares no participaron en actividades de aprendizaje significativas y que el parón en la acumulación de habilidades y capital humano tendrá consecuencias inmediatas y a largo plazo para el bienestar de los países. ¿Por qué? No fue sólo la pandemia. Fue el hecho de que la región y sus sistemas educativos no estaban bien preparados para soportar un choque de esta magnitud. Los efectos a corto y largo plazo de la crisis sanitaria no pueden entenderse si el relato no incluye las condiciones de partida. El objetivo de este informe es proporcionar a los responsables de la política educativa de toda la región una idea de la magnitud de los daños, sus consecuencias si no se toman medidas inmediatas, sustanciales y eficaces, y las prioridades de la política educativa teniendo en cuenta el punto de partida y los efectos de la pandemia. Y lo que es más importante, el informe también constituye una brújula para que el sector educativo desarrolle respuestas basadas en la evidencia dirigidas a las necesidades inmediatas de los jóvenes, así como las medidas a medio plazo que se necesitan para reconstruir nuestros sistemas educativos para que sean más resistentes, equitativos y eficientes a la hora de desarrollar estudiantes eficaces a lo largo de toda la vida. Si no hacemos nada, dejaremos atrás a toda una generación. Los gobiernos tienen que utilizar todas las palancas de las que dispongan para recuperarse, y la educación es clave en ese proceso.
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