Unbounded dependencies in Modern Standard Arabic often involve not a gap but a null resumptive pronoun. The facts are quite complex, but it is not too difficult to extend the SLASH mechanism of HPSG to handle dependencies with a null resumptive pronoun. It is also not too difficult to restrict the distribution of gaps appropriately.
Numerous studies have indicated that geographic location plays an essential role in language variation and the emergence of dialects. That is, when speakers of the same group are geographically apart, it is more likely that they use language differently. The unprecedented widespread of communication channels in what is referred to now as the global age, however, has raised many doubts in relation to the connection between space and geographic location on the one hand and language variation on the other hand. In other words, many linguists have come to question the rationality of geographic location in language variation. In the face of this controversial issue, the purpose of this study is to investigate the influence of geographic location on linguistic diversity in relation to Arabic. The study is limited in scope. It is only concerned with the use of intensifiers in the spoken forms of Egyptian and Saudi spoken Arabic. The rationale is that intensifiers are very frequent in everyday communication and occur naturally without much thinking on the part of speakers. In order to achieve this objective, the study is based on a corpus of selections from the Egyptian radio show Ish Sabahak (Live Your Morning) on Nogoum FM Radio Channel and the Saudi radio show Caffeine on Mix FM. Results indicate clearly that there are linguistic differences between Egyptian and Saudi speakers in the use of intensifiers in terms of frequency, type, and the linguistic structure. This suggests that distance or geographic location is still a considerable factor in linguistic diversity since it is deeply rooted in the cultural evolution of people from different nations.
A Standard Arabic (SA) complementizer known as ʔinna poses a restriction on word orders in the clause it introduces and induces accusative Case-marking on the otherwise nominative preverbal NPs (Note1). Following Chomsky's (2001) account of the morphosyntax of Case, this paper argues that ʔinna is a Case assigner and thus it carries an uninterpretable Case feature that determines the value which it assigns to an unvalued Case feature concerning accessible goal within A-bar projection. The paper shows that this argument captures the asymmetrical word order between clauses introduced by ʔinna and those headed by null CPs.
A Standard Arabic (SA) complementizer known as 'inna poses a restriction on word order in the clause it introduces and induces accusative Case-marking on the otherwise nominative preverbal NPs. Following Chomsky’s (2001) account of the morphosyntax of Case, this paper argues that 'inna is a Case assigner and thus it carries an uninterpretable Case feature that determines the value which it assigns to an unvalued Case feature concerning accessible goal within A-bar projection. The paper shows that this argument captures the restriction imposed on 'inna-clauses.Keywords: Arabic; complementizer; Case marking; word order; minimalism.Resumo: Um complementizador no árabe padrão, conhecido como 'inna, impõe uma restrição na ordem das palavras da oração por ele introduzida e induz marcação de Caso acusativo nos SNs preverbais que em outras circunstâncias têm marcação de Caso nominativo. Seguindo o modelo de Chomsky (2001) para a morfossintaxe de Caso, este artigo argumenta que 'inna é um designador de Caso e que ele carrega um traço de Caso não interpretável que determina o valor que o mesmo designa para um traço de Caso até então não marcado de uma meta acessível na projeção de A-barra. O artigo mostra que esse argumento captura as cláusulas 'inna impostas pela restrição.Palavras-chave: Árabe; complementizador; marcação de Caso; ordem de palavras; minimalismo.
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