Widespread misinformation about the COVID-19 pandemic has presented challenges for communicating public health recommendations. Should campaigns to promote protective behaviors focus on debunking misinformation or targeting behavior-specific beliefs? To address this question, we examine whether belief in COVID-19 misinformation is directly associated with two behaviors (face mask wearing and social distancing), and whether behavior-specific beliefs can account for this association and better predict behavior, consistent with behavior-change theory. We conducted a nationally representative two-wave survey of U.S. adults from 5/26/20-6/12/20 (n = 1074) and 7/15/20-7/21//20 (n = 889; follow-up response 83%). Scales were developed and validated for COVID-19 related misinformation beliefs, social distancing and face mask wearing, and beliefs about the consequences of both behaviors. Cross-lagged panel linear regression models assessed relationships among the variables. While belief in misinformation was negatively associated with both face mask wearing (B = −.27, SE =.06) and social-distancing behaviors (B = −.46, SE =.08) measured at the same time, misinformation did not predict concurrent or lagged behavior when the behavior-specific beliefs were incorporated in the models. Beliefs about behavioral outcomes accounted for face mask wearing and social distancing, both cross-sectionally (B =.43, SE =.05; B =.63, SE =.09) and lagged over time (B =.20, SE = 04; B =.30, SE =.08). In conclusion, belief in COVID-19related misinformation is less relevant to protective behaviors, but beliefs about the consequences of these behaviors are important predictors. With regard to misinformation, we recommend health campaigns aimed at promoting protective behaviors emphasize the benefits of these behaviors, rather than debunking unrelated false claims. Past studies Concern about misinformation predates the COVID-19 pandemic. Much attention has been paid to the proliferation of political misinformation, particularly in the wake of the 2016 U.S. presidential election (Guess et al., 2020), and how to effectively counter it (Cook et al., 2015). Misinformation is comparatively understudied in the health domain (Kreps & Kriner, 2020; Southwell et al., 2019). There is some evidence that belief in specific false health information is associated with undesirable outcomes, including lowered vaccination rates (Jolley & Douglas, 2014; Oliver & Wood, 2014), reduced contraceptive use (Thorburn & Bogart, 2005), and nonadherence to antiretroviral treatment (Bogart et al., 2010), although overall, the research is limited and the findings mixed (Nan et al., in press).

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Wide-spread misinformation about the COVID-19 pandemic has presented challenges for communicating public health recommendations. Should campaigns to promote protective behaviors focus on debunking misinformation or targeting behavior-specific beliefs? To address this question, we examine whether belief in COVID-19 misinformation is directly associated with two behaviors (face mask wearing and social distancing), and whether behavior-specific beliefs can account for this association and better predict behavior, consistent with behavior-change theory. We conducted a nationally representative two-wave survey of U.S. adults from 5/26/20-6/12/20 (n=1074) and 7/15/20-7/21//20 (n=889; follow up response 83%). Scales were developed and validated for COVID-19 related misinformation beliefs, social distancing and face mask wearing, and beliefs about the consequences of both behaviors. Cross-lagged panel linear regression models assessed relationships among the variables. While belief in misinformation was negatively associated with both face mask wearing (B= -.27, SE=.06) and social distancing behaviors (B= -.46, SE=.08) measured at the same time, misinformation did not predict concurrent or lagged behavior when the behavior-specific beliefs were incorporated in the models. Beliefs about behavioral outcomes accounted for face mask wearing and social distancing, both cross-sectionally (B= .43, SE=.05; B= .63, SE=.09) and lagged over time (B= .20, SE=04; B= .30, SE=.08). In conclusion, belief in COVID-19-related misinformation is less relevant to protective behaviors, but beliefs about the consequences of these behaviors are important predictors. With regard to misinformation, we recommend health campaigns aimed at promoting protective behaviors emphasize the benefits of these behaviors, rather than debunking unrelated false claims

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Inpatient psychiatric facilities in the United States lack systematic regulation and monitoring of a variety of patient safety concerns. We conducted a qualitative analysis of 61 news articles to identify common causes and types of harms within inpatient psychiatric facilities, with a focus on physical harm. The news articles reported on patient self-harm, patient-patient violence, and violence between patients and staff, noting that youth, older adults, and veterans were especially vulnerable. Harms occurred throughout the care continuum - at admission, during the inpatient stay, and at discharge - and retaliation towards whistleblowers deterred facility accountability. We recommend 1) addressing staffing shortages, 2) instituting systematic monitoring of critical incidents and the experiences of consumers and staff, 3) improving both inpatient safety and post-discharge community supports, and 4) continued journalistic coverage of harms within inpatient psychiatric facilities.

Media content can shape people’s descriptive norm perceptions by presenting either population-level prevalence information or descriptions of individuals’ behaviors. Supervised machine learning and crowdsourcing can be combined to answer new, theoretical questions about the ways in which normative perceptions form and evolve through repeated, incidental exposure to normative mentions emanating from the media environment. Applying these methods, this study describes tobacco and e-cigarette norm prevalence and trends over 37 months through an examination of a census of 135,764 long-form media texts, 12,262 popular YouTube videos, and 75,322,911 tweets. Long-form texts mentioned tobacco population norms (4–5%) proportionately less often than e-cigarette population norms (20%). Individual use norms were common across sources, particularly YouTube (tobacco long-form: 34%; Twitter: 33%; YouTube: 88%; e-cigarette long form: 17%; Twitter: 16%; YouTube: 96%). The capacity to capture aggregated prevalence and temporal dynamics of normative media content permits asking population-level media effects questions that would otherwise be infeasible to address.

Nurses are in an excellent position to teach the public about skin cancer prevention and perform cancer screenings. This study was designed to test an educational intervention intended to teach nursing students about skin cancer so they can reach competence and be certified by faculty to educate their patients. Similarly, students are educated and certified in other areas, namely, asthma and naloxone administration. By conducting this quasi-experimental study, the researchers sought to evaluate the effectiveness of adding online skin cancer education to traditional educational methods. Using a quasi-experimental design, we assigned nursing students (n = 146) to either an intervention group, which received an online educational treatment, or a control group, which did not receive any such treatment. Both groups then completed a posttest measure assessing their knowledge about skin cancer (“knowledge”), sun protective behaviors (“behavior”), and perceptions about the role of the nurse in skin cancer prevention (“role”). Participants in the intervention group had significantly higher scores on the “behavior” and “role” measures, suggesting that the intervention had successfully impacted these dimensions.

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