L'article demontre que nous trouvons les facteurs pertinents du processus de l'apprentissage de la deuxieme langue gräce a im examen compare de trois systemes linguistiques productifs, lesquels sont (1) la langue maternelle de l'eleve, (2) la competence de l'eleve dans la deuxieme langue, sä langue intermediaire (Interlanguage), et (3) le Systeme de la langue cible. Finalement les processus sont decrits qui sont responsables de la difference entre la langue intermediaire de l'eleve et sä competence voulue dans la langue cible.Dieser Artikel stellt klar, daß wir die für den Prozeß des Zweitspracherwerbs relevanten Fakten durch die vergleichende Untersuchung von drei produktiven Sprachsystemen erhalten. Diese sind (1) die Muttersprache des Lernenden, (2) die fremdsprachliche Kompetenz des Lernenden, seine Zwischensprache (Interlanguage), (3) das System der Fremdsprache.Abschließend werden die Prozesse beschrieben, die für die Differenz zwischen der Zwischensprache des Lernenden und der angestrebten Fremdsprachenkompetenz verantwortlich sind.
The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate that the Interlanguage (IL) hypothesis should be extended from (1)adult second‐language acquisition settings to (2) those non‐simultaneous child language acquisition settings where the major sociolinguistic variables is the absence of peers who are native speakers of the target language (TL). The paper first establishes the need to postulate the existence of an IL. Next, data from a Toronto French immersion program are presented which suggest that, as in adult second‐language speech, the strategies of language transfer, simplification, and overgeneralization of TL rules affect the surface forms of the second‐language speech of children in this program. Finally, the possibility is mentioned that, under the sociolinguistic conditions of (2) above, ILs will develop as dialects in their own right, an important possibility for theories of pidginization and creolization, as well as for general theories of language change.
In this article we examine the development of the complementizer system in child L2 grammars of English, and we show that C and its maximal projection CP are operative from the very beginning. Next, we focus on the development of the tensed complementizer that. We provide evidence which suggests that the tensed complementizer in embedded declaratives may be treated as an obligatorily null complementizer by these child L2 learners. We then examine restrictive relative clauses produced by our subjects. The evidence indicates that the tensed complementizer is first realized overtly as that in the relative clause domain. We speculate on the possible reasons as to why the relative clause domain should trigger the emergence of the overt tensed complementizer and we argue that recent proposals by Rizzi (1990) for a typology of complementizer types enable us to account for these child L2 developmental facts.
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