A series of deaths of Black Americans at the hands of the police sparked mass protests, received extensive media coverage, and fueled a new civil rights movement in the years leading up to the 2016 presidential election. Both major party nominees campaigned on issues of race and policing in different ways. Drawing on colorblind racism theories and the history of law‐and‐order politics, we explore how views of race relations and the police were associated with voting behavior. We ask, on the one hand, whether people were engaged with the civil rights issues raised by Black Lives Matter and, on the other hand, whether Trump's expressions of support for the police functioned as a racial “dog whistle” to mobilize a particular set of voters. Using the 2016 American National Election Studies (ANES) Time Series Study, we find that concern about biased policing and support for the civil rights movement seeking to address it were associated with increased turnout among Democrats and more votes for Clinton. In addition, consistent with a dog whistle effect, claims of supporting the police were connected to votes for Trump mainly among those with high levels of racial resentment. We conclude by discussing the symbolic role of police in American society and politics.
The police need public support and cooperation to be effective in controlling crime and holding offenders accountable. In many disadvantaged communities of color, poor relationships between the police and residents undermine effective policing. Weak police–minority community relationships are rooted in a long history of discriminatory practices and contemporary proactive policing strategies that are overly aggressive and associated with racial disparities. There are no simple solutions to address the complex rift between the police and the minority communities that they serve. The available evidence suggests that there are policies and practices that could improve police–minority community relations and enhance police effectiveness. Police departments should conduct more sophisticated analysis of crime problems to ensure that crime-control programs are not indiscriminate and unfocused, engage residents in their crime reduction efforts by revitalizing community policing, ensure procedurally just police contacts with citizens, and implement problem-solving strategies to prevent crimes beyond surveillance and enforcement actions.
While the vast majority of research on the causes and consequences of fear of crime has been focused on personal fears, Warr and Ellison have suggested that fears for one's family are both more common and more important in explaining protective actions like gun ownership. The present work not only provides new evidence supporting these findings but also expands our understanding of altruistic fears in two important directions: by exploring the potential sources of such fears in exposure to crime and by exploring new potential responses to such fears, including residential mobility decisions. The results suggest that altruistic fears are rooted in personal experiences with victimization and personal evaluations of the local danger posed by crime-though the ways that people react to victimizations depend on their opportunities for personal versus altruistic fears. In turn, altruistic fears are associated with taking protective measures, withdrawing from local organizational participation, and the desire and intent to flee neighborhoods altogether. However, the article also acknowledges important independent roles for personal fears and cognitive evaluations of danger, ultimately recommending a more holistic perspective on reactions to crime.
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