“…In a smaller body of work, researchers have sought to move beyond fear to consider the connection between media consumption and several nonaffective reactions to crime, including ratings of crime seriousness (Gebotys, Roberts, and DasGupta, 1988), assessments of the potential for victimization (Callanan, 2012), the perception that crime is rising (Pfeiffer, Windzio, and Kleimann, 2005), and support for various crime policies (Britto and Noga-Styron, 2014;Grabe and Drew, 2007;Holbert, Shah, and Kwak, 2004;Kleck and Jackson, 2017;Kort-Butler and Sittner Hartshorn, 2011). In building on this work, we examine the potential influence of the media on the framing of crime as a social problem (e.g., Drakulich, 2015a). In particular, we consider a set of interrelated frames, including both perceptions of crime trends and associated support for particular solutions to crime, related to what media researchers refer to as "interpretive packages" (Gamson, 1988;Gamson and Modigliani, 1989).…”
Through this study, we shed new light on a key line of inquiry for criminologists: the way the media influence the public's understanding of crime and justice. We argue for expanding the lens of studies on the media's construction of crime, moving away from one‐dimensional reactions to crime to an integrated set of frames about crime and justice policy while considering the potential influence of a diverse array of media forms and content. Most critically, this social construction process must be placed in context, specifically, the racial composition in which people consume media. By using two nationally representative surveys matched with contextual data, we identify two forms of media consumption that seem important to understandings of crime: local television news and TV crime dramas. Interestingly, local news seems more important than national news even to perceptions of national crime trends, whereas news consumed over the Internet is not relevant, nor are 24‐hour cable news channels once political views are taken into account. Television news viewers are also more likely to support tougher crime policies. Importantly, context matters: The influence of television news and crime dramas on perceptions of crime is strongest among White respondents who live near larger numbers of Black neighbors.
“…In a smaller body of work, researchers have sought to move beyond fear to consider the connection between media consumption and several nonaffective reactions to crime, including ratings of crime seriousness (Gebotys, Roberts, and DasGupta, 1988), assessments of the potential for victimization (Callanan, 2012), the perception that crime is rising (Pfeiffer, Windzio, and Kleimann, 2005), and support for various crime policies (Britto and Noga-Styron, 2014;Grabe and Drew, 2007;Holbert, Shah, and Kwak, 2004;Kleck and Jackson, 2017;Kort-Butler and Sittner Hartshorn, 2011). In building on this work, we examine the potential influence of the media on the framing of crime as a social problem (e.g., Drakulich, 2015a). In particular, we consider a set of interrelated frames, including both perceptions of crime trends and associated support for particular solutions to crime, related to what media researchers refer to as "interpretive packages" (Gamson, 1988;Gamson and Modigliani, 1989).…”
Through this study, we shed new light on a key line of inquiry for criminologists: the way the media influence the public's understanding of crime and justice. We argue for expanding the lens of studies on the media's construction of crime, moving away from one‐dimensional reactions to crime to an integrated set of frames about crime and justice policy while considering the potential influence of a diverse array of media forms and content. Most critically, this social construction process must be placed in context, specifically, the racial composition in which people consume media. By using two nationally representative surveys matched with contextual data, we identify two forms of media consumption that seem important to understandings of crime: local television news and TV crime dramas. Interestingly, local news seems more important than national news even to perceptions of national crime trends, whereas news consumed over the Internet is not relevant, nor are 24‐hour cable news channels once political views are taken into account. Television news viewers are also more likely to support tougher crime policies. Importantly, context matters: The influence of television news and crime dramas on perceptions of crime is strongest among White respondents who live near larger numbers of Black neighbors.
“…Die bisherigen Erkenntnisse zu dieser "Wahrnehmungsverzerrung" (Drakulich 2013;Häfele 2013;Sampson und Raudenbush 2004) haben wir um den Befund ergänzt, dass dieser sozialräumliche Effekt (wiederum parallel zum Unsicherheitsempfinden) von der individuellen Einstellung zu Migration abhängt. Explizite xenophobe Einstellungen verstärken die Wahrnehmungsverzerrung deutlich, aber auch implizite ethnische Vorurteile (die in unserer Studie nicht gemessen wurden) unterstützen vermutlich Tendenzen zur Wahrnehmungsverzerrung (Drakulich 2015). Insgesamt unterstützen die Ergebnisse die Interpretation von Unsicherheit und Unordnung als verwandte Kognitionen sozialräumlicher Problemlagen, die bei vielen Bewohner*innen Unbehagen auslösen und sich am Thema Kriminalität kristallisieren (Hirtenlehner und Farrall 2013;Sampson 2009).…”
Section: Ergebnisse Ii: Einflussfaktoren Der Kriminalitätsfurchtunclassified
“…In der Sozialpsychologie wird zwischen expliziten und impliziten Einstellungen unterschieden; letztere wirken unbewusst, sind schwer zu messen und trotzdem sehr wirkungsmäch-tig (Dovidio et al 2016;Kawakami et al 2017). Mithilfe eines "Implicit Association Test" konnte Drakulich (2015) zeigen, dass implizite ethnische Stereotype einen stär-keren Effekt auf Unsicherheitswahrnehmungen hatten als explizite, da letztere durch den Effekt der sozialen Erwünschtheit unterdrückt werden können.…”
Disorder and Perceptions of Insecurity in Urban Neighbourhoods -The Overrated Role of "Broken Windows" and the Challenge of Ethnic DiversityAbstract According to the "broken windows"-approach, signs of physical and social disorder in public spaces are a major cause of insecurity perceptions and the subsequent decline of urban neighbourhoods. Yet, the empirical support is weak as many studies have relied on subjective perceptions of disorder which are closely correlated with fear of crime. Using independent and systematic social observations we investigate the individual and ecological factors influencing the 'perception bias' of disorder, and ask how strong the impact of disorder on fear actually is. Our analyses are based on a survey of ca 6500 respondents and systematic social observations in 140 neighbourhoods in Cologne and Essen. We show that both the perception of disorder and fear of crime are mainly driven by the percentage of visible minorities. For the first time, we show that this effect is strongly dependent on individual attitudes towards migration. Only in one city, Essen, does the amount of systematically observed disorder have a fear-inducing effect over and above the effect of ethnic diversity. These results highlight the challenges of increased migration for social cohesion, and at the same time pinpoint at the importance of social contexts for the impact of social problems on feelings of insecurity.
“…In many instances, activists highlight these narratives on their websites as a way to point out to their state legislators as well as to the general public what they view as the unfair durational features of current alimony policy. In other words, these narratives serve a crucial role in framing or defining how these activists want a particular social problem perceived (Benford and Snow ; Drakulich ). Best () has argued that social problems are not objective issues to be solved, but rather issues subject to many, potentially competing debates regarding their resolution.…”
Section: Role Exit and Collective Action Frames Within The Alimony Rementioning
This analysis explores men's role exit process from being married to divorced in the context of the alimony reform movement in the United States. Those considering potential role exit may face governmental policies that either support or oppose them in making these personal changes. In this case, mostly men want to leave their husband roles behind but legally imposed alimony, in their view, unfairly binds them to their former spouses. This analysis uses 182 narratives to map out how major collective action frames-based upon the highly valued, masculine concept of autonomy-are generated in this social movement. Overall, this research demonstrates the importance of both considering the operation of governmental policies in producing successful or incomplete role exit for individuals, and how these same individuals can respond using collective action frames drawn from privileged notions of masculinity as they aim for significant life change.
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