Abstract:A series of deaths of Black Americans at the hands of the police sparked mass protests, received extensive media coverage, and fueled a new civil rights movement in the years leading up to the 2016 presidential election. Both major party nominees campaigned on issues of race and policing in different ways. Drawing on colorblind racism theories and the history of law‐and‐order politics, we explore how views of race relations and the police were associated with voting behavior. We ask, on the one hand, whether p… Show more
“…In 2016, Donald Trump appeared to make direct appeals to these voters who felt left behind by structural economic changes and believed that racial minorities were “cutting the line” with the assistance of the federal government to gain the benefits of the American Dream (e.g., Abramowitz & McCoy, 2019; Drakulich et al, 2017; Hochschild, 2016; Sides et al, 2018). In fact, expressions of support for the police appeared to function as a racist dog whistle, predicting support for Donald Trump only among those high in racial resentment (Drakulich et al, 2020). In short, political frames of the movement may have shaped public opinion both along party lines and in ways that resonated with those who have concerns about the relative status of Black and white Americans.…”
Section: The Present Studymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Public opinion about the central concerns of the movement had political relevance in the 2016 election (e.g. Drakulich et al, 2017Drakulich et al, , 2020, and of course has broader consequences for the future of the country's racial divide.…”
Section: Introduction Black Lives Mattermentioning
confidence: 99%
“…the police and race-remain predictive even when politics are included. Those identifying as politically conservative and as a Republican were less likely to feel warmly toward BLM-not surprising given the racialized and partisan use of BLM as an issue in the 2016 election (e.g., Drakulich et al, 2017Drakulich et al, , 2020Updegrove et al, 2018). In particular, identification as Republican was strongly associated with reduced affection for BLM.…”
White Americans, on average, do not support Black Lives Matter, while Black Americans generally express strong support. The lack of support among white Americans is striking, and we argue that it matters why this racial gap exists. Using a nationally representative survey collected during the crest of the first wave of widespread attention to the movement, we explore four potential explanations for interracial differences in feelings toward Black Lives Matter. These explanations reflect competing claims made by advocates and opponents of the movement and have distinct implications for understanding the meaning of these racial differences. Two explanations focus on attitudes toward the police, and two focus on racial prejudice. The results suggest that interracial differences in contact with the police mattered to views of the movement, though in opposite ways for white and Black Americans. Support for the movement among Black Americans was not motivated by an animosity toward the police. Ultimately, the lack of white support for Black Lives Matter was best explained by anti‐Black animus and racial resentment, reflecting a concern about the threat this contemporary civil rights movement presents to the racial status quo.
“…In 2016, Donald Trump appeared to make direct appeals to these voters who felt left behind by structural economic changes and believed that racial minorities were “cutting the line” with the assistance of the federal government to gain the benefits of the American Dream (e.g., Abramowitz & McCoy, 2019; Drakulich et al, 2017; Hochschild, 2016; Sides et al, 2018). In fact, expressions of support for the police appeared to function as a racist dog whistle, predicting support for Donald Trump only among those high in racial resentment (Drakulich et al, 2020). In short, political frames of the movement may have shaped public opinion both along party lines and in ways that resonated with those who have concerns about the relative status of Black and white Americans.…”
Section: The Present Studymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Public opinion about the central concerns of the movement had political relevance in the 2016 election (e.g. Drakulich et al, 2017Drakulich et al, , 2020, and of course has broader consequences for the future of the country's racial divide.…”
Section: Introduction Black Lives Mattermentioning
confidence: 99%
“…the police and race-remain predictive even when politics are included. Those identifying as politically conservative and as a Republican were less likely to feel warmly toward BLM-not surprising given the racialized and partisan use of BLM as an issue in the 2016 election (e.g., Drakulich et al, 2017Drakulich et al, , 2020Updegrove et al, 2018). In particular, identification as Republican was strongly associated with reduced affection for BLM.…”
White Americans, on average, do not support Black Lives Matter, while Black Americans generally express strong support. The lack of support among white Americans is striking, and we argue that it matters why this racial gap exists. Using a nationally representative survey collected during the crest of the first wave of widespread attention to the movement, we explore four potential explanations for interracial differences in feelings toward Black Lives Matter. These explanations reflect competing claims made by advocates and opponents of the movement and have distinct implications for understanding the meaning of these racial differences. Two explanations focus on attitudes toward the police, and two focus on racial prejudice. The results suggest that interracial differences in contact with the police mattered to views of the movement, though in opposite ways for white and Black Americans. Support for the movement among Black Americans was not motivated by an animosity toward the police. Ultimately, the lack of white support for Black Lives Matter was best explained by anti‐Black animus and racial resentment, reflecting a concern about the threat this contemporary civil rights movement presents to the racial status quo.
“…On the other hand, AI is as good as the data it learns from. We live in the reality of systematic racism and inequalities hardwired in our societal structure [124,125]. Therefore, bias and discrimination can be inherent to the data sources used [126], which causes the descriptive model to be flawed, hence the prediction becomes unreliable and preventative measures become ineffective or inadequate.…”
The scope of the present paper is to promote social, cultural and environmental sustainability in cities by establishing a conceptual framework and the relationship amongst safety in urban public space (UPS), lighting and Information and Communication Technology (ICT)-based surveillance. This framework uses available technologies and tools, as these can be found in urban equipment such as lighting posts, to enhance security and safety in UPS, ensuring protection against attempted criminal activity. Through detailed literary research, publications on security and safety concerning crime and lighting can be divided into two periods, the first one pre-1994, and the second one from 2004–2008. Since then, a significant reduction in the number of publications dealing with lighting and crime is observed, while at the same time, the urban nightscape has been reshaped with the immersion of light-emitting diode (LED) technologies. Especially in the last decade, where most municipalities in the EU28 (European Union of all the member states from the accession of Croatia in 2013 to the withdrawal of the United Kingdom in 2020) are refurbishing their road lighting with LED technology and the consideration of smart networks and surveillance is under development, the use of lighting to deter possible attempted felonies in UPS is not addressed. To capitalize on the potential of lighting as a deterrent, this paper proposes a framework that uses existing technology, namely, dimmable LED light sources, presence sensors, security cameras, as well as emerging techniques such as artificial intelligence (AI)-enabled image recognition algorithms and big data analytics and presents a possible system that could be developed as a stand-alone product to alert possible dangerous situations, deter criminal activity and promote the perception of safety thus linking lighting and ICT-based surveillance towards safety and security in UPS.
“…The relative reluctance of non-Black players to protest, if not for the cause then at least in support of their Black teammates, may be disappointing though not unexpected. White Americans in particular have historically viewed racial injustice as a problem to be solved by people of color themselves, including outright resistance to challenging violent police action against racial minorities (e.g., Drakulich et al 2020;Intravia et al, 2018;Wheelock et al, 2019). From a team performance perspective, some players may actively believe in the distraction hypothesis and therefore avoid political acts they views as being divisive in the locker room.…”
While there is a long tradition of activism within sport, a frequent criticism of athlete protest is that it is a “distraction” that hinders on-field performance. In 2017, in the midst of widespread demonstrations against racial injustice in the U.S. among players in the National Football League (NFL), the sports community reprised the “it’s a distraction” refrain. Using data drawn from multiple sources, we first explore which factors related to players’ likelihood of protesting. Then, using a series of analyses at the player-game level (n=19,051) and the team-game level (n=512), we tested the assertion that protest is detrimental to individual and team performance. The results of this study allow us to better understand factors that may constrain professional athletes’ participation in protest and challenge a common form of rhetoric used to discourage athlete activism.
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