Although interest in quitting was high, bootleggers created an environment in which reduced-price cigarettes were easier to access than cessation services. This activity continues to undermine the public health goals of the tax increase.
It is commonly accepted that adolescence is the period for initiation into smoking and other tobacco use behaviors. However, evidence is increasing that the set of presumptions about adolescent onset of tobacco use may not be true for all cultural or subpopulation groups. Secondary analysis of data from the 2000 National Health Interview Survey (NHIS) was used to examine ethnic differences in smoking patterns among African American and White women. Results showed a striking racial/ethnic difference in age of onset; African American women initiate smoking later than White women at each age group. Prevention interventions need to continue beyond adolescence well into the adult years, especially for African American women. Late onset for these women represents an often missed window of opportunity for prevention.
Many Harlem adults currently use the Internet to search for health information. High-speed connections and culturally relevant materials may facilitate health information searching for underserved groups.
ObjectiveTo reduce arsenic (As) exposure, we evaluated the effectiveness of training community members to perform water arsenic (WAs) testing and provide As education compared to sending representatives from outside communities to conduct these tasks.MethodsWe conducted a cluster based randomized controlled trial of 20 villages in Singair, Bangladesh. Fifty eligible respondents were randomly selected in each village. In 10 villages, a community member provided As education and WAs testing. In a second set of 10 villages an outside representative performed these tasks.ResultsOverall, 53% of respondents using As contaminated wells, relative to the Bangladesh As standard of 50 μg/L, at baseline switched after receiving the intervention. Further, when there was less than 60% arsenic contaminated wells in a village, the classification used by the Bangladeshi and UNICEF, 74% of study households in the community tester villages, and 72% of households in the outside tester villages reported switching to an As safe drinking water source . Switching was more common in the outside-tester (63%) versus community-tester villages (44%). However, after adjusting for the availability of arsenic safe drinking water sources, well switching did not differ significantly by type of As tester (Odds ratio =0.86[95% confidence interval 0.42-1.77). At follow-up, among those using As contaminated wells who switched to safe wells, average urinary As concentrations significantly decreased.ConclusionThe overall intervention was effective in reducing As exposure provided there were As-safe drinking water sources available. However, there was not a significant difference observed in the ability of the community and outside testers to encourage study households to use As-safe water sources. The findings of this study suggest that As education and WAs testing programs provided by As testers, irrespective of their residence, could be used as an effective, low cost approach to reduce As exposure in many As-affected areas of Bangladesh.
Cultural competency training in public health, medicine, social work, nursing, dental medicine, and other health professions has been a topic of increasing interest and significance. Despite the now burgeoning literature that describes specific knowledge, attitudes, and skills that promote cultural "competence," fully defining this complex, multidimensional term and implementing activities to enhance it remain a challenge. We describe our experiences in introducing a mandatory, full-day workshop to incoming Master of Public Health students, called "Self, Social, and Global Awareness: Personal Capacity Building for Professional Education and Practice." The purpose of the program is to provide a meaningful, structured environment to explore issues of culture, power, privilege, and social justice, emphasizing the centrality of these issues in effective public health education and practice.
To examine the types of dental fear experienced by African American adults and the role of these fears in the utilization of dental care, in-depth interviews were conducted with a street-intercept sample of 118 African Americans living in Harlem, New York City, who had experienced at least one oral health symptom in the past six months. Despite their oral symptoms, participants delayed or avoided dental care (often for years) due to a variety of dental fears, including fears of: 1) pain from needles; 2) the dental drill; 3) having teeth extracted; 4) contracting an illness (e.g., HIV/AIDS) from unsanitary instruments; 5) X-rays; 6) receiving poor quality care or mistreatment. These findings provide insights into the situations that provoke fears about dental treatment among African Americans and suggest strategies to address these fears in order to remove these barriers and increase the utilization of dental care by African American adults.
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