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A persistent refrain in both the academic literature and the popular press is that cybercrime is a largely anonymous activity that exists in cyberspace (e.g., Gabrys 2002. For relevant discussions, see Grabosky 2004;Wall 2007;Lusthaus 2013). Cybercriminals 'meet' anonymously in virtual marketplaces (see, for instance, Décary-Hétu and Dupont 2013; Holt and Lampke 2010; Hutchings and Holt 2015). Shadowy attackers could strike from anywhere at any moment. They are a new type of threat, unlike any criminal activity that has been observed before. In short, these offenders challenge existing paradigms of crime and policing, and vastly new models are required to comprehend this new challenge.In this paper, we seek to add greater nuance to understandings of cybercrime by highlighting a neglected aspect of the phenomenon: the offline and local dimension (see Lusthaus 2016: 24-31). As a starting point it is vital to acknowledge that all cyber-attacks stem from a person who physically exists in a certain location. This basic consideration helps us better understand, investigate and counter cybercrime. It contextualises the threat. We should expect a degree of variation as to how cybercrime presents in each case. The economic and social dynamics of different settings are likely to influence who gets involved in cybercrime, what types of cybercrime they carry out and the way they are organised. In short, both the individuals behind cybercrime and the offline worlds they inhabit deserve study.Cybersecurity should not just be about the analysis of fast changing technical threats and the challenges they pose. Alongside the online and technical, there is an offline, human and contextual element that matters.

It is well known that criminals, who operate outside the law and the protection of the state, face difficulties in cooperating due both to the requirement of secrecy and a deficit of trust. For cybercriminals the anonymity of the Internet creates further challenges, making it even more difficult to assess trustworthiness and enforce agreements. Yet, contrary to expectations, collaboration among cybercriminals is prevalent, and a sophisticated industry has emerged. The purpose of this paper is to address this puzzle in relation to profit-driven cybercrime. It draws on a collection of interviews with former cybercriminals that provide a valuable form of data on micro-level and often secretive interactions. It examines four key mechanisms that lead to improved cooperation: reputation, appearance, performance and enforcement. It also addresses the rarely discussed, and somewhat counterintuitive, role that offline interactions may play in enhancing collective action among cybercriminals.

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The Dark Web or DarkNet has attracted both considerable media and scholarly attention. This forms part of a broader tradition of analyzing relatively open cybercriminal marketplaces and forums. With the aid of data collected over a 7-year period, the focus of this paper is to help demarcatebeyond the Dark Web alone -all the layers within the world of profit-driven cybercrime. These include: 1) the top layer, which is the most open forums and marketplaces, whether Dark Web or otherwise; 2) the middle layer of more closely vetted forums; 3) the bottom layer of even smaller and more closed groupings; 4) the molten core, which is centered on the offline organization of cybercrime. The purpose of this analysis is to identify key aspects of the underground economy which warrant further scholarly attention, and to suggest possible approaches to engage with these subjects going forward.

The core of this article is a detailed investigation of the dispute resolution system contained within Darkode, an elite cybercriminal forum. Extracting the dedicated disputes section from within the marketplace, where users can report bad behavior and register complaints, we carry out content analysis on these threads. This involves both descriptive statistics across the data set and qualitative analysis of particular posts of interest, leading to a number of new insights. First, the overall level of disputes is quite high, even though members are vetted for entry in the first instance. Second, the lower ranked members of the marketplace are the most highly represented category for both the plaintiffs and defendants. Third, vendors are accused of malfeasance far more often than buyers, and their “crimes” are most commonly either not providing the product/service or providing a poor one. Fourth, the monetary size of the disputes is surprisingly small. Finally, only 23.1% of disputes reach a clear outcome.

While the international security dimensions of climate change have received an increasing amount of attention, one impact that has not been widely discussed is the role that sea level rise could play in rendering maritime boundaries around the globe uncertain. The argument of this article is that this confusion of maritime boundaries could have potentially significant consequences in creating inter-state disputes, possibly leading to conflicts and international instability. This article will outline how sea level rise will confuse maritime boundaries and how these maritime boundary shifts could lead to inter-state disputes and conflict.In recent times, the international security dimensions of climate change have received an increasing amount of attention (see, for instance, Campbell et al., 2007;Dupont, 2008;Schwartz and Randall, 2003). But one impact that has not been widely discussed is the role that sea level rise could play in rendering maritime boundaries around the globe uncertain. The argument of this article is that this confusion of maritime boundaries could have potentially significant consequences in creating inter-state disputes, possibly leading to conflicts and international instability. The article proceeds in two sections. Firstly, it will outline how sea level rise will confuse maritime boundaries. Secondly, it will demonstrate how maritime boundary shifts could lead to inter-state disputes and conflict.