Educational researchers and policy-makers are now expected by funding agencies and their institutions to innovate the multidirectional ways in which our production of knowledge can impact the classrooms of teachers (practitioners), while also integrating their experiential knowledge into the landscape of our research. In this article, we draw on the curriculum implementation literature to complicate our understandings of knowledge mobilization (KMb). Policy implementation, we suggest, can be understood as one specific type of KMb. We draw on different models for KMb and curriculum implementation and develop a relational model for KMb. Utilizing our model we critically reflect on the specific successes and challenges encountered while establishing, building, and sustaining the capacity of our KMb network. Our findings suggest that faculties of education are uniquely positioned to act as secondary brokers for the implementation of policy reforms within public education systems. To this end, we discuss how a relational KMb network is a “best practice” for establishing and sustaining partnerships among policy makers, educational researchers, and public school practitioners.
White Canadian teacher candidates are brought into direct dialogue with urban high school students through a yearlong immersion in a high school with a "demonized" image in the broader community. Interviews with students reveal experiences of school as "my safe space" and the predominance of a student culture not characterized by resistance, but by a positive experience of school as an autonomous relational space. We argue that attention to student voices through extended immersion in urban high schools enables teacher candidates to experience schools as uniquely situated spaces and disrupts the tendency to essentialize urban students and their schools.
In 2016, rumours began to spread that the Ontario Ministry of Education was quietly considering cutting its mandatory high school civics course in order to expand another mandatory course on career preparation. While the Ontario Ministry of Education ultimately backed down from this controversial position, the resulting public dialogue raised important questions regarding what Ontario hopes to accomplish through citizenship education. In this article, I engage this debate primarily from a theoretical perspective, arguing that the ambiguous role of citizenship education stems in a large part from a lack of clarity regarding how we use the term ‘citizenship’. In the first and second section, I review the existing literature, with particular emphasis on educational scholarship and political philosophy, to illustrate the incongruity between the complex and multi-layered ways in which citizenship is enacted in Canada and the superficial and homogeneous manner in which it is portrayed in Ontario curricula and educational policies. This incongruity, I suggest, illustrates the need for greater analytic clarity regarding the meaning(s) of citizenship. In the following section, I propose a typology of citizenship, featuring five dimensions along which citizenship is primarily enacted – political, legal, public, economic and cultural. Finally, I illustrate this typology through a brief empirical analysis of the Ontario civics curriculum – a comparative keyword content analysis of the 1999, 2005 and 2013 versions of the curriculum policy document. In conclusion, I suggest that there has been a historical shift in Ontario educational policy towards economic expressions of citizenship at the expense of other dimensions. In this sense, the brief controversy over cutting the Ontario civics course to expand the careers curriculum can be seen as just one manifestation of a larger policy trajectory.
State-mandated curriculum policy documents have an important political function. Governments use them to make ideological statements about the role of schools and how the next generation of citizens are to be shaped. Beginning from this premise, we use a frame analysis methodology to examine how citizenship in the Province of Ontario, Canada is framed in four consecutive versions of the curriculum policy documents that prescribe citizenship education for secondary schools. Our analysis spans 20 years, during which two political parties – one conservative, the other liberal – held power. Our inductive analysis is presented using a typology of citizenship with five dimensions: political, public, cultural, juridical, and economic. We illustrate consistency across the decades, including a preoccupation with: 1) external and internal threats to the stability and unity of Canada (political); 2) fostering nationalistic identification (political); 3) developing transferrable skills for the globalized economy (economic); 4) establishing a pre-set role for the individual citizen, characterized by legal and ethical obligations (juridical). We reveal a gradual de-emphasis of opportunities for citizens to actively participate in reshaping their communities and society (public, cultural). This shift in the political and ideological meaning of citizenship conceives citizens as isolated individuals in a reified state and society.
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