This paper presents a survey of the Polish stress system and explores the theoretical consequences of' this system for a number of current issues in phonological theory: the notion 'extrametricality'; grids versus trees, and principles of eurhythmicity. It is argued that the metrical grid is superior to the metrical tree for the description of' stress patterns in Polish words and phrases. This analysis of Polish stress has also consequences for the typology of stress systems. Furthermore, the analysis of stress in Polish compounds substantiates the claim of current prosodie theory that phonological structure need not be isomorphic to morphological structure.

This article investigates glide and glottal stop insertion in Bulgarian, Slovak (two dialects), Polish (two dialects), and Czech. It is argued that Optimality Theory should be modified by introducing derivational levels and that OT auxiliary theories, in particular, output-output theory, MAX(Feature) theory, and sympathy theory, should be rejected.

VOWELS IN THREE DIMENSIONAL PHONOLOGY: THE YERS JERZY RUBACHRecent years have witnessed the growing interest of linguists in problems of phonological representation. The ground-breaking work by McCarthy (1979), Halle and Vergnaud (1980), Clements and Keyser (1983), and others has opened the way to the investigation of the structural properties of Segments äs opposed to their phonetic properties. Representations are three-dimensional since they involve three tiers: the segmental tier called the melody, the skeleton containing timing slots, and the syllabic tier. Given this view, the investigation of the phonetic properties of segments, which has been the concern of generative phonology for many years, provides no more than basic information. The actual phonetic realization of a segment is defmed further by structural Information. Thus, for instance, it is now clear that length should be expressed in terms of the number of slots in the skeleton to which the segment is associated. Consequently, with the added skeletal structure, the same feature matrix at the melody tier may represent a long vowel or a short vowel. The converse is also true: one slot in the skeleton may be associated with more than one matrix at the melody level. Thus, in the case of affricates we have two matrices (stop and fricative) which are linked to a single skeletal slot. Identity at the melodic and skeletal tiers does not yet imply identity in phonetic realization. The crucial difference may rest with the syllabic tier. It is there that segments such äs the vowel /u/ versus the semivowel /w/ are distinguished: the former is joined to the nucleus while the latter is not.The three different ways of utilizing nonlinear structure are now summarized in (1). Let us note that here, äs well äs below, we simplify the representation by using transcription Symbols rather than distinctive feature matrices at the melodic tier: 'Work on this article was begun while I was visiting at the Department of Linguistics, Üniversity of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign in the academic year 1985-86. The research 'vas continued and completed during my subsequent visit at the Center for the Study of Language and Information. Stanford University, in the summer of 1986. I would like to thank both of these institutions for receiving me äs a visitor. I am also grateful to Morris Halle, Michael Kenstowicz, and Paul Kiparsky for discussion. 5 (1985-1986) 247-280. 0167-6318/88/500732X/-S 02.75 Copyright © 1985 by Forts Publicalions. Dorclrechi. Holland. U.S.A. Brought to you by | Michigan State University Authenticated Download Date | 6/18/15 2:36 AM Recently much interest has been taken in the relations that hold between the three tiers of phonological representation (for example, Levin 1985, Steriade and Schein 1986, and others). The present article joins the growing literature on this subject by investigating two aspects of structural representation: the independence of tiers and the relations between tiers and rules. We restrict the scope of this article to the theoretical ...

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This study deals with syllable structure in Polish. The central theme is the question of when and how syllabification rules apply in the lexical phonology of Polish. In § i we lay the ground for our subsequent discussion by giving the basic syllable patterns of Polish. We also propose here a first version of the syllabification algorithm for Polish. In §2 we show that syllabification applies cyclically, because certain cyciic phonological rules make crucial use of information about the prosodic structure of their potential inputs. § 3 then shows that the syllabification algorithm has to apply both before and after the application of cyclic phonological rules on one cycle, and that syllabification is therefore a continuous process. In § we argue that the syllabification algorithm proposed in § i must be modified to enable us to predict whether a high [-consonantal] segment will surface as a vowel or as a glide. Since the distinction between vowels and glides is crucial for the application of certain cyclic phonological rules of Polish, this again shows that syllabification has to apply cyclically. § defends the hypothesis that resyllabification is restricted to Coda Erasure (and the subsequent syllabification of the desyllabified consonants). Again, the (un)predictability of the vowel/glide distinction plays a crucial role here. We summarise our conclusions in §6

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The theory of Lexical Phonology proposed in Kiparsky (1982a) is a major step forward in generative phonology with respect to the problem of the interaction of phonology and morphology. Its basic claim is that morphological rules and word level phonological rules are interspersed. A rule of word phonology (i.e. a lexical phonological rule, which exclusively applies within words) may apply as soon as the required environment for its application has been created by some morphological rule. That is: ‘morphology and phonology go hand in hand’.