The Phonology of Syllabic Nuclei in Slovak

Unexceptional segments

“…The idea that yers are realized when they occur before other yers is assumed in many subsequent rule-based analyses influenced by Lightner (Pesetsky 1979, Kenstowicz and Rubach 1987, Matushansky 2002, Halle and Matushansky 2006, and others), but it is impossible to implement in OT. In order for the Lower rule to apply in Lightner's account, all Russian words must underlyingly end in either a full vowel or a yer-an assumption incompatible with Richness of the Base (see Yearley 1995 for critical discussion, though cf.…”

“…Under this analysis, yer vowels are marked in the UR as representationally defective. For example, yers are assumed to have segmental features but not timing slots, so a mora or an X-slot must be inserted in order for the yer to be pronounced (Kenstowicz andRubach 1987, Yearley 1995 et seq.). Others have posited that yers are timing slots without features (Szpyra 1992), and one proposal, Melvold (1990), even divides yers into three types: X-slots without features, features without an X-slot, and features and an X-slot not linked to each other.…”

“…Interestingly, though, not all instances of [@] can alternate with zero-for example, the schwa in words such as [íg@r j ] is always present. Identifying the conditions that affect the realization of yer vowels has become a perennial problem in Slavic phonology (Lightner 1972, Rubach 1986, Kenstowicz and Rubach 1987, Czaykowska-Higgins 1988, Szpyra 1992, Yearley 1995, Zoll 1996, Hermans 2002, Matushansky 2002, Steriopolo 2007, Jarosz 2008, but the pattern shares notable similarities with vowel-zero alternations in unrelated languages such as Itelmen (Bobaljik 1997), Hungarian (Siptár and Törkenczy 2000), and Salish languages (Kinkade 1997, van Eijk 1997, Blake 2001, Rowicka 2002, Gouskova 2003.…”

Vowel/Glide Alternation in a Theory of Constraint Interaction

“…This is not pursued here. (Kenstowicz and Rubach 1987) ). Their analysis of the rising diphthongs is based on the fact that long vowels and the diphthongs have the same distribution.…”

Underlying and derived glides in Middle High German

“…they are both [-consonantal, + sonorant]), and they only differ in terms of position in the syllable. Some of the treatments along those lines include Clements & Keyser (1983), Selkirk (1984), Kaye & Lowenstamm (1984), Levin (1985) and Guerssel (1986). Since only non-syllabic sounds like glides can be in the margin, an underlying [-consonantal, +sonorant] coda or onset segment is interpreted as a glide, but that same feature complex is interpreted as a syllabic sound (a vowel) in the nucleus.…”