Unexceptional segments

Gouskova, Maria

doi:10.1007/s11049-011-9142-4

Cited by 36 publications

(29 citation statements)

References 49 publications

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“…The patterns of yer realization are too complex to review here in detail (Lightner 1972;Melvold 1990;Yearley 1995;Scheer 2006;Steriopolo 2007;Gribanova 2008Gribanova , 2009Gouskova 2010), but it is generally true that a yer surfaces unless its deletion would yield an unsyllabifiable cluster, including a vowelless word. 27 This generalization is exemplified in (61), where the deleting yers are underlined in the URs.…”

Section: Regular Vowelsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The phonology of boundaries and secondary stress in Russian compounds

Gouskova

2010

The Linguistic Review

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Section: Regular Vowelsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The phonology of boundaries and secondary stress in Russian compounds

Gouskova

2010

The Linguistic Review

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“…Figure 1a shows that among the words that robustly occur with the CV form [so], this CV form is more strongly favoured when the second consonant of the word-initial cluster is a sibilant, as in the lemma [vztor] 'gaze ': the median proportion of CV forms is 90% when the second consonant is a sibilant, compared to 58% when it is not. 1a have prefixes that have yer alternations, although they are quite limited in productivity (Pesetsky 1979, Svenonius 2004, Gribanova 2009b, Gouskova 2012 Moreover, we found that the OCP holds not only between adjacent consonants that share place and manner, but also between homorganic consonants that differ in manner. 1b) : when the second consonant of the following word is a labial continuant, there is a higher proportion of CV forms.…”

Section: Phonological Factorsmentioning

confidence: 62%

“…-see Matushansky 2002, Gribanova 2009a. Yer words always surface with a vowel when no other vowel is available (Yearley 1995, Gouskova 2012, so if prepositions are part of the same deletion pattern as yers, they ought to surface to satisfy the requirement that all phonological words must have a vowel in Russian. This predictable quality would follow from an epenthetic account.…”

Section: Deletion or Epenthesis ?mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Lexical and phonological variation in Russian prepositions

2013

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Phonological rules can be variable in two ways : they can apply to a subset of the lexicon (lexical variation), or apply optionally, with a probability that depends on the phonological environment (stochastic variation). These two types of variation are occasionally seen as mutually exclusive. We show that the vowel-zero alternation in Russian prepositions ([s trudom] ' with difficulty ' vs. [s@ stinoj] ' with the wall ') exhibits both types of variation. In two corpus studies and a nonce-word experiment, we document novel stochastic factors that influence the alternation : similarity avoidance, stress position and sonority profile. These constraints interact additively, lending support to a weighted-constraints analysis. In addition to phonologically determined stochastic variation, we find significant lexical variation : phonologically similar nouns differ in the rate at which they condition the alternation in the prepositions. We analyse this pattern by augmenting the weighted-constraints approach with lexical scaling factors. * For feedback that has led to many improvements to this work, we would like to thank

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“…Paradigm gaps often affect wordforms that are subject to irregular alternations or allomorphy e.g., gaps in Spanish verbs (Albright 2003;Maiden & O'Neill 2010), French verbs (Morin 1987), German diminutives (Fanselow & Féry 2002), Russian nouns (Pertsova 2005), and others. The English verbal participle example above is also of this type.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Transderivational relations and paradigm gaps in Russian verbs

Pertsova¹

2016

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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In this paper I argue that the notorious case of paradigm gaps, the first person singular gaps of Russian verbs, are not synchronically arbitrary as is often assumed (Graudina et al. 1976; Daland et al. 2007; Baerman 2008), but are predictable and connected to the opaque morphophonological alternations affecting stem-final consonants in the 1st person singular (1sg) present tense. I present evidence for a new empirical generalization showing that the problematic alternations in verbs are subject to a lexical conservatism effect (Steriade 1997). Namely, stems that appear in other derivationally or inflectionally related forms with the same alternation as the one expected in 1sg generally do not have gaps, while stems that have no attested related forms with alternations do. Overall, a larger set of verbs are problematic for the speakers than indicated in dictionaries, and there are degrees of "gappiness" with a lot of variation across speakers. Additionally, I consider how different theoretical proposals for handling ineffability fare in accounting for these findings. I propose to augment the framework of Harmonic Grammar (Legendre et al. 1990) with an additional postcompetition step during which outputs can be compared to each other based on their Harmony scores. This proposal is not tied to violations of specific constraint and it has potential to account for both paradigm gaps and gradient grammaticality judgments.

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Unexceptional segments

Abstract: A famous perennial problem in Slavic phonology is yers: vowels that idiosyncratically alternate with zero (e.g., [mox] vs.

Cited by 36 publications

References 49 publications

The phonology of boundaries and secondary stress in Russian compounds

The phonology of boundaries and secondary stress in Russian compounds

Lexical and phonological variation in Russian prepositions

Transderivational relations and paradigm gaps in Russian verbs

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