This study explores how faculty at one research-intensive university spend their time on research, teaching, mentoring, and service, as well as housework, childcare, care for elders, and other long-term care. Drawing on surveys and focus group interviews with faculty, the article examines how gender is related to time spent on the different components of faculty work, as well as on housework and care. Findings show that many faculty report working more than 60 hours a week, with substantial time on weekends devoted to work. Finding balance between different kinds of work (research, teaching, mentoring, and service) is as difficult as finding balance between work and personal life. The study further explores how gendered care giving, in particular being a mother to young children, is related to time spent on faculty work, controlling for partner employment and other factors. Men and women devote significantly different amounts of time to housework and care giving. While men and women faculty devote the same overall time to their employment each week, mothers of young children spend less time on research, the activity that counts most toward career advancement.KEY WORDS: children; faculty jobs; gender; work-family conflict; working time; working parents. INTRODUCTIONWomen remain underrepresented as faculty members relative to their representation among doctorates, and are less likely to attain tenure and promotion or gain access to leadership positions relative to men of their cohorts (Currie et al., 2002;Gatta and Roos, 2004;Glayzer-Raymo, 2001; Mason and Goulden, 2004a,b;Monroe et al., 2008). Relative to men, faculty women also earn lower salaries, receive fewer discretionary funds, and receive fewer internal grants (Roos and Gatta, 2009 In this article, we explore how faculty at one research-intensive university spend their time on research, teaching, mentoring, and service, as well as housework, childcare, care for elders, and other long-term care. Drawing on surveys and focus group interviews with faculty, we examine how gender is related to time spent on the different components of faculty work, as well as on housework and care. We further explore how gendered care giving, in particular being a mother to young children, is related to time spent on faculty work, controlling for partner employment and other factors.All faculty recognized that research productivity is most highly valued by the university; however, research time was most likely to be sacrificed by mothers of young children. Care responsibilities appear to play a role in women faculty members' allocation of time. While heavy care responsibilities are usually short in duration, as with preschool children or with elderly parents in their final years, care responsibilities may have lasting effects on faculty careers. THE GENDERED ORGANIZATION OF FACULTY WORKAcademic employment requires long work weeks for most full-time faculty, even though these hours tend to be more flexible than other careers (Bailyn, 2003;Gatta and Roos, 2004;Gunter and Stambac...

In this article, the authors examine how race, gender, and education jointly shape interaction among heterosexual Internet daters. They find that racial homophily dominates mate-searching behavior for both men and women. A racial hierarchy emerges in the reciprocating process. Women respond only to men of similar or more dominant racial status, while nonblack men respond to all but black women. Significantly, the authors find that education does not mediate the observed racial preferences among white men and white women. White men and white women with a college degree are more likely to contact and to respond to white daters without a college degree than they are to black daters with a college degree.

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The issue of whether Central Americans in the United States are ‘political’ or ‘economic’ migrants has been widely debated, yet little empirical research has informed the controversy. Earlier studies have relied primarily on cross-sectional aggregate data. In order to overcome these limitations we draw on recent surveys conducted in five Nicaraguan communities by the Latin American Migration Project. Using retrospective data, we reconstruct a history of a family's migration to the United States and Costa Rica from the date of household formation to the survey date and link these data to national-level data on GDP and Contra War violence. While out migration to both Costa Rica and the United States is predicted by economic trends, US-bound migration was more strongly linked to the level of Contra War violence independent of economic motivations, especially in an interactive model that allows for a higher wartime effect of social networks. We conclude that elevated rates of Nicaraguan migration to the United States during the late 1980s and early 1990s were a direct result of the US-Contra intervention. The approach deployed here – which relates to the timing of migration decisions to macro-level country trends – enables us to address the issue of political versus economic motivations for migration with more precision than prior work.

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